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QUESTIONS NATIONAL 



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OF NATIONAL IMPORTANCE TO EVERY 
AMERICAN CITIZEN 



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QUESTIONS MUNICIPAL 



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O. A. MYERS 



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Copyright, 1896 
By O. A. MYERS 

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All Rights Reserved 






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CONTENTS 

Preface. 
Introductory : 

Questions of great importance in general. 
Tariff: 

Tariff and Prosperity preferable to Free 
Trade and Poverty. 

Immigration: 

Restriction of immigration, a protection to 
American labor and a subterfuge from an- 
archy and like evils. 

Government Banking: 

A true Government banking system as a 
relief to misery and pauperism, caused 
by unscrupulous uses of capital. 

Railroads, Telegraphs and Express: 

Government ownership of these properties a 
true means of investment of the people's 
money, through a government banking 
system, to induce frugality, and thus les- 
sen the great suffering among the people, 
due to financial evils. 

Municipal Interests: 

Municipal ownership of all properties, trav- 
ersing or occupying municipal properties, 
a protection to the people of municipali- 
ties, against the wrongs of capital. 



PREFACE 

THE object of publishing this little volume is 
to illustrate to the people, from the stand- 
point of a true American citizen, and not from 
that of a partisan only, that if true benefits are 
derived from properly enacted tariff laws, they 
must be fully supported by properly enacted im- 
migration laws; that, if we have tariff laws, which 
are a known necessity, we must have, also, just 
as stringent and just as equally forcible immigra- 
tion laws for true protection. 

Also, that the money question in connection 
with those of tariff and immigration, although 
each performs its part, is not the only great 
question that so disastrously harms the welfare 
of our people. But, that in connection with the 
great principles, as taught by the representatives 
of the great political parties, there are other 
questions of equal importance to us as American 
citizens; and, which will need our attention in 
turn fully as much as either of the questions 
named. They are such questions as anarchy 
and unscrupulously invested capital; not legiti- 
mate capital, but that, which with its most un- 
merciful and unprincipled methods of transacting 
business, crushes the very life out of the great 
mass of American people for its own special ben- 
efit; the one, anarchy, as a result, is the product 
of the other; and, each is an extreme and set 

5 



6 PREFACE. 

apart from true humanity, performing the oppo- 
site criminal functions, which have been and will 
be, until true legislation sets aright such wrongs, 
the means of perpetrating the greatest criminal 
acts relating to business and financial matters; 
and, as well as being a detriment, and a most 
decided drawback to the advancement and gen- 
eral welfare of a civilized and enlightened Ameri- 
can people. 

If we establish true laws for the interests of 
humanity, generally, then we will have founded 
a true system of government, which is the same 
as we now have, when we have had enacted such 
additional laws that will restrict, fully, all im- 
proper acts and abuses, bearing particularly upon 
the welfare of our people. 

The principles herein set forth are strictly 
American on every subject touched upon, and 
tend to establish fully, true American principles 
in every line of thought, so that we may stand 
upon one common basis as citizens, having but 
one flag as our standard around which we may 
rally in times of peace, and, around which we 
should rally, when troublous clouds hover around 
our political horizon, menacing the welfare of our 
people; but, discouraging anarchistic or like un- 
American principles, teachings or methods; advo- 
cating instead, a truly just form of government to 
strengthen our cause, and win to us those who now 
frown upon our government and its institutions. 



Introductory 

Questions of Great Importance in General 

HAVING recently passed through another of 
those business disturbed periods commonly 
known as presidential campaigns, and noting 
the unusual activity of the discordant elements, 
and to what reckless methods, through unsound 
and un-American principles advocated by them, 
that this whole country might become subjected, 
is certainly good and sufficient cause to bring us 
to a realization of duty, by carefully studying 
the whole situation with a view of bringing forth 
such views which may prove beneficial, in a de- 
gree, in helping to solve the great questions which 
are far-reaching and of such magnitude that it 
will require very judicious legislation to avert, 
even in the future, a great national calamity. 

Now, that the great political battle is over, 
and the minds of the people are again assuming 
normal conditions, let us view this matter intel- 
ligently and without party prejudice, having in 
view the good to be gained for the people, there 
being no doubt but that good will result from it. 

During the last campaign the tariff and the 



INTRODUCTION. 

money questions were the leading issues, al- 
though others received much attention; but 
there might have been included many other 
questions, equally as important, as to the real 
causes of the financial and other troubles among 
us; and in fact, we can see that it will require 
legislation upon all the different questions on 
which the different theories were based; and, 
even upon more than those upon which each so 
diligently, and it is hoped, honestly did his part 
to help make right the existing troubles. 

But, it may be asked, how this could be? Is 
it possible that it is because each party to which 
each of the representatives belonged, and for 
which each had so diligently worked, had a 
special issue? And it was necessary for them to 
stick to those special issues, regardless of the 
merits of the issues presented by other parties, 
in order that success could with any degree of 
certainty be attained when the final vote was 
cast? If so, does it not look as if selfishness, to 
a great degree, governs our political persuasions, 
when positions are affected? Or, when through 
such teachings, it is the means of securing po- 
sitions, when during such periods of work such 
thoughts should be the least in mind, especially 
so when the welfare of the people is at stake? 

The only true way, then, to review this whole 
matter, is to look upon such questions as a true 
American citizen, and not as a partisan. 



INTRODUCTION. 9 

By so doing we do not recognize this party 
nor that party, further than embodying in our 
views the good and true principles only, that are 
advocated by such parties; and, let it be our pur- 
pose to study these questions diligently, with- 
out fear or favor, with a view only of benefit- 
ting humanity, if we wish to obtain the best re- 
sults from such a study. 

When we can lay aside selfish party prin- 
ciples and take up all the great issues or ques- 
tions intelligently, and we are ready and willing 
to advocate such legislative measures that will 
benefit all the people, then we have accomplished 
much toward the advancement of the cause of 
humanity; and in fact, towards advancing our 
interests in a truly enlightened degree of civiliza- 
tion politically in -our own land, as these ques- 
tions when properly diagnosed will indicate that 
we are far from the perfect state, as far as politi- 
cal issues are now concerned. 

As regards the money question, some people 
claim that there is not enough money; others de- 
clare that it is not of the right kind, that it 
should be silver, while others think it should be 
silver and gold; and there is another class that 
would have gold only. 

After reviewing this matter in a general way 
in the different chapters in this book, the ques- 
tion will be left with you to decide for your- 
selves, whether it does not appear to one not biased 



INTRODUCTION. 

by party views, that we have money in plenty, 
and that it is also perfectly sound; and all that 
is needed in this line is to right the existing 
wrongs through the enactment of such laws 
that will cause the money to flow through the 
proper channels of trade to the people; instead 
of it passing through channels that benefit for- 
eign powers, due to the constant shipping of such 
wealth from our country to foreign countries to 
pay for that, which under proper laws, we should 
produce; and, as well as to stop the flow of such 
money through improper channels of business 
to the great money-grabbing powers of our own 
country, where such is used to benefit the few, 
against the interests of the many. 

During the present administration, which 
has been advocating the free trade policy, has not 
the money gone out of our country to foreign 
countries, and have we studied and learned the 
cause? Were not the mints of our country pro- 
ducing as much, if not more, money during this 
period than they produced during like former pe- 
riods? Have we learned the difference in the laws 
then in force and those in force during the present 
administration? Were not the manufactories of 
our country closed on account of the difference 
in laws, and employes by the thousand thrown 
out of employment, simply because the difference 
in the laws enacted were more favorable to the 
people of foreign countries than they were to the 



INTRODUCTION. 11 

people of our own country? Do we wish to 
know what kind of law was changed or enacted 
that made such a difference with our people and 
changed our country from reasonably good pros- 
perity to almost poverty? 

Yes, we wish to know and we will gladly ac- 
cept facts relating to such matters, so that we 
may have a better understanding and a more 
intelligent view relating to such questions; and 
further, so that our votes may be cast for princi- 
ples above party lines, but always in the interest 
of the people, instead of being cast for methods 
to further the interests of biased politicians, 
when again the fierce struggle of the battle of 
the ballots engages our attention. 

By making this a study between elections, 
when the minds of the people are at rest from 
the great political excitement of a near campaign, 
we can act more intelligently, and by our united 
action based upon thorough study of these great 
questions, we will be less liable through such ac- 
tion to place the whole country in great turmoil, 
and, it might be, save us from an experience even 
much worse than the business calamity of the 
present (1892-6) administration. 

Many people may say that this is no time to 
bring up such questions, but in peace we should 
prepare for war, and so should it be politically; 
that is, we should prepare for any emergency 
that may arise, for now we have time for perfect 



12 INTRODUO ION. 

study, so that when the struggle does come on, 
in whatever form, we will understand fully our 
positions as true American citizens; and then we 
can rely fully upon our political soldiery, as well 
as its armament and the fortifications erected in 
support of our American institutions, as the sol- 
diery would be thoroughly drilled in true Amer- 
ican political tactics, as would be the armament 
and fortifications perfected so as to withstand 
attack from any un-American source in which 
such could possibly arise. This all would be 
perfected during the days of peaceful quietude, 
when thought and work give their best result, and 
such political enterprises being but timely precau- 
tions against any evil that might arise, would not 
be constructed and reared through the excitement 
of the campaign, and in a great part during the 
hour just before the final struggle. 

As before stated, we wish to know and we 
will gladly accept facts in regard to the change 
in the laws that so greatly disturbed the business 
interests all through our land. Was it not the 
tariff? Were not enactments of law instituted 
that took off a great percentage of duty that had 
been levied on many articles, and actually 
placed upon the free list many other articles that 
needed and, in fact, had had a duty levied upon 
them for protection for many years? The re- 
sults we all well know, and it has been fully 
demonstrated to us that any tariff law favoring 



INTRODUCTION. 13 

free trade is an injury to the business interests 
of our country; and it is an injustice to us as an 
American people for any party to advocate the 
enactment of such a law. 

It is possible that you have had an experience 
on account of the change in the tariff law that 
has firmly fixed upon your mind the great need 
of protection to American industries, as well as 
the need of protection to American workingmen; 
that each should be protected fully against un- 
just competition, due to foreign countries failing 
to place a proper remunerative value to the 
credit of labor on goods produced in those coun- 
tries, which are imported into our own country 
under laws favoring the low priced labor of such 
countries. 

Were you engaged in the manufacturing 
business in our country, and if so, were you re- 
quired gradually but surely to lessen in num- 
bers the force employed by you in your manufac- 
turing business? Or were you from time to 
time required to reduce the salaries of the differ- 
ent employes so as to enable you to keep all of 
them, and not be required to break upon the 
system established in conducting your business? 
Or were you required in time to close your fac- 
tory for the reason that you found it utterly im- 
possible to compete in prices with the same kind 
of products imported into this country from like 
establishments located in foreign countries, as 



14 INTRODUCTION. 

such goods were the product of the low priced 
labor of those countries? 

It may be, though, that you were one of the 
employes of the many factories, or that you were 
employed at one of the many business houses 
that from the very nature of circumstances were 
compelled to succumb to the inevitable order of 
affairs, which was due to the great rush of 
such importations into our country that com- 
pletely stocked every market in our land to such 
a great disadvantage and such great injury to 
our people, that it paralyzed the business of our 
country. 

If so, you also fully realize the great need of 
a decidedly protective tariff, and you also fully 
realize that we, as a people and as a nation, are 
not in a position, with labor properly rewarded 
as it is during favorable times in our country, to 
open our markets to the world, in competition 
with the almost pauper paid labor of other coun- 
tries, without it having very disastrous effects 
upon the business of our country. 

Is it not necessary that our interests should 
be protected against all undue influences, so that 
we, as a people, may have prosperity throughout 
our land? So that, also, the people may not 
only live well, but have the means to educate 
their children, and to build and possess comfort- 
able homes? So that their children in turn may 
have equal prosperity and equal chances in ad- 



INTRODUCTION. 15 

vancing their interests, and that such interests 
may be perpetuated during the generations to 
come, and thus through favorable circumstances 
there would be peace and prosperity instead of 
riot and poverty throughout our country. 

Tariff is a known necessity to help perpetuate 
our American interests, and it should be sup- 
ported by every true American citizen. It is a 
protection to our homes, and it will be, as it has 
been in the past, the means in part of advancing 
the interests of our people, as well as being the 
means of educating them. 

But, tariff is not the only question to be con- 
sidered in order to carry on this great work suc- 
cessfully; and, at the same time be able to relieve 
the people fully from the great injustices hereto- 
fore perpetrated upon them ; which were due par- 
tially through the lack of good and proper legis- 
lation in matters that had received some atten- 
tion, but faulty in the general make-up; and 
which have been tampered with to such an ex- 
tent that they prove to be almost worthless, as 
far as securing good results for the people; and 
then again, partially through the unscrupulous 
actions of avaricious capital, in which there is 
much needed legislation to right the existing 
wrongs. 

Among the first steps towards establishing jus- 
tice in all matters relating to our welfare, we 
should have the enactment of proper immigra- 



16 INTRODUCTION. 

tion laws to fully support and to make effective 
proper tariff laws; this is necessary in order that 
true prosperity and advancement from anarchial 
and like debasing principles may be fully se- 
cured ; as well as that these principles which are 
becoming fixed politically in our land may be 
overthrown. 

Such principles as these, which are being es- 
tablished in our country, are the results in a great 
part of lax laws relating to this, one of the most 
important questions, immigration. 

The great need of true laws in this line has 
been the experience of people in every portion of 
our land, to successfully put a stop to the immi- 
grating into this country, in many instances, 
of the most undesirable people that exist; as 
well as to protect our workmen from loss of po- 
sitions, which are taken by the better class of 
this immigrating people. 

Such immigration cannot benefit us, even the 
best, so long as the American laborer is idle. No 
exception is made to this rule, in field or shop; 
nor at the counter or desk; and in fact, in any 
pursuit or calling in which the American is not 
fully and justly employed at a good, remunera- 
tive salary. 

It is a detriment to have such immigrants 
among us, for we simply sacrifice the interests 
of our own people to benefit them. As to the 
worst class, it is the means of filling our asylums, 



INTRODUCTION. 17 

as well as other public institutions of charity; 
also, as well as filling the penitentiaries of our 
land; and not only this, but it requires the build- 
ing of new structures of the kind, and the main- 
taining of these institutions wholly at the ex- 
pense of the American people, so as to take care 
of and provide for that which properly belongs 
to other nations; and, which is a duty that such 
nations should be required to attend to, instead 
of our people bearing the expense of looking 
after, caring for, and prosecuting in cases of 
criminal action, people who do not belong to us. 
As to the better class of immigrants they only, 
or at least mostly, seek and obtain positions be- 
longing to the American people; and which our 
people should have by all means honorable. 

When our country is in need of labor to sup- 
ply the demands of the producers, then it will be 
an easy matter to have such imported, so as to 
supply the demands necessary to carry on the 
business of our country; but until every Ameri- 
can is employed, immigration should not be per- 
mitted to interfere with his interests, any more 
than the products of foreign labor are permitted 
to interfere with the products of our manufac- 
turing and other institutions. 

For every position obtained by the foreigner, 
it will be learned that an American is out of em- 
ployment, and the consequence is, the American 
is idle to benefit foreign labor, imported through 



18 INTRODUCTION. 

lax immigration laws, instead of being idle on 
account of the product of labor being imported, 
through lax tariff laws. 

This is just the point where unscrupulous 
capital rests easy, as the tariff laws fully pro- 
tect capital in its investments, as such laws re- 
late only to the importation of the product of 
labor, and not to labor itself. Then, the laborer 
must look to the enactment of proper immigra- 
tion laws, so as to fully protect him under the 
tariff laws. 

Unscrupulous capital will help to enact tar- 
iff laws, so as to benefit itself in its investments 
in our country, but the people cannot expect 
much from this source towards the enactment of 
proper immigration laws, for the especial benefit 
of labor of our country, for the reason that such 
capital seeks cheap labor to perform its work 
for its especial benefit, under our protective tariff 
laws. 

In fact, it may be, that foreign capital is in- 
vested in our country, under our protective tar- 
iff laws, and operated in part, if not wholly, by 
foreign labor imported. Is there any justice in 
this to the American? If there is it certainly 
cannot be appreciated by the American work- 
men, as justice to them, but, right the opposite, 
it is a most unjust treatment of our people, and 
in favor of those in whom we have no national 
interest at all. 



INTRODUCTION. 19 

If foreign capital is to be invested in this 
country, require it to be done so judiciously; and 
also let it be required to seek American labor to 
perform its works, if it wishes to benefit itself in 
producing wealth; for, if it expects to take from 
our country the money accruing as profits, it 
certainly should be required to let the laborer of 
our country receive an equal benefit. 

The employment of American labor is to off- 
set the amount of money removed by capital as 
profits. The money paid to labor, and remain- 
ing in our country, should by all means greatly 
exceed in amount the money removed from our 
country. 

By thus carefully guarding our interests 
when capital comes into our country for invest- 
ment it produces and leaves with us more money 
than it takes away. If it does not there is some- 
thing radically wrong in the investment to cap- 
ital's peculiar benefit, and it should be looked 
after and remedied. 

To exercise these precautions in such invest- 
ments is only justice to the American laborer 
and to American capital. Foreign capital should 
not be permitted to be invested in our country 
under the operation of foreign labor under any 
circumstances, for by this method such capital 
and labor receive all the benefits, through oui 
protective laws, at the expense of our people. 

We place a price upon a foreign product that 



20 INTRODUCTION. 

is to be admitted into our country and call it 
duty, and we collect this duty before this product 
is admitted to our markets. This protects our 
manufacturers. Then, should not an equal value 
be placed upon labor itself before it is admitted 
into our country to enter into competition with 
American labor? This would protect labor. 

We should place the standard of American 
labor high and protect it fully under this stand- 
ard. If the labor of other countries cannot come 
up to this standard then it should be barred out 
entirely. Their standard of products is high and 
may equal ours; but their standard of labor as 
imported into this country is low, and in many 
instances it is very low, as compared with ours. 
We are not to drop to their standard of labor by 
any means, but they should come up to ours. 
This is in the interests of humanity, but against 
aristocracy, and where aristocracy reigns su- 
preme it may be found that the standard of 
labor is very low. 

To protect our products by duty naturally 
increases the value of those products, and to fail 
to protect our laborers lessens in a great degree 
the value of labor. With the values of the pro- 
ducts advanced and that of labor depreciated a 
great injury is worked to our laborers. Are not 
these good reasons in themselves that labor 
should be fully protected through good and sub- 
stantial immigration laws? 



INTRODUCTION. 21 

Regarding further the investment of foreign 
capital in this country, it should not be per- 
mitted to be invested in great tracts of land, and 
these lands held by such capital to the detriment 
of our people. Upon investigation it will be 
found that there are many very large tracts of 
land in many sections of our country, each tract 
containing many thousand acres, which are now 
held by foreign capital. It is certainly not de- 
sirable to us as a people to have such lands held 
in this way, when they should be reserved for 
the use of the American people. The creating of 
great landed estates, as in foreign countries 
should be discouraged at all times. We do not 
want such estates created in our country, not by 
any means, not even by our own people. 

Money invested in such immense tracts to 
lay idle does us no good, as it may be considered 
as only dead capital, and being of no benefit it 
instead proves a great detriment to us. Such 
great tracts of land do not improve as they 
should, and as they would improve if they were 
divided into smaller tracts, to be owned and 
worked by people who would take pride in build- 
ing good and comfortable homes. 

Unless fully versed in the matter of tract pur- 
chases we would be amazed to learn the magni- 
tude of such purchases even at the present time. 
Is not this a matter, also, that should receive our 
immediate attention and put a stop to the hold- 



22 INTRODUCTION. 

ing of such lands by foreign capital to the detri- 
ment of the American people? 

American interests should be regarded first 
in all our legislation, and he who would 
thoughtlessly or otherwise cast a vote for 
the enactment of a law that favors other 
than such interests should be regarded 
as a common enemy to our interests and 
to our institutions, and not deserving the high 
position in which he has been placed by a con- 
fiding people, but instead he should be relegated 
to the depths of political obscurity, never again 
to be permitted by such an injudicious act to 
have an opportunity to repeat it upon the Amer- 
ican people. 

There are plenty of good Americans, thor- 
oughly sound in judgment in regard to American 
principles, who can occupy positions of trust 
honorably and satisfactorily to American inter- 
ests, without it being necessary to take any 
chances on such un-American acts being forced 
upon us by people in places of important trusts. 

Besides, this requirement of true American 
principles in places of trust would have a most 
wholesome effect upon legislators who have ten- 
dencies to misuse their trusts, when the perform- 
ance of the great obligations placed in their care 
should receive their utmost attention, and also 
when their votes should be cast in the interests 
of the American people. 



INTRODUCTION. 23 

Let us remember that with us American in- 
terests should be first, last, and all the time as 
our interests, and let the people of every other 
nation consider interests to them likewise in re- 
gard to affairs relating to their home interests. 
This is loyalty to people and loyalty to govern- 
ment, and should be adhered to strictly. 

Let the future find us on the right side in 
every struggle for liberty and independence which 
must be maintained if our government holds forth 
steadfastly for these great principles, which were 
named as a part of the benefits to be derived 
from so sacred a cause as true Americanism. 

Let no traitorous hand deprive us of one sin- 
gle principle due us as Americans, but with such 
principles being firmly impressed upon the 
minds of our people as the only true and great 
principles of good government we need not fear 
that evil will overtake us, for who would dare 
attack us under such conditions? We would be 
strong as a people and enlightened in the true 
meaning of the word as to the duties to be per- 
formed regarding good government, as well as to 
be ready to battle intelligently and forcibly, if 
need be, any enemy who should attack either our 
institutions or our general government. 



TARIFF 

Tariff and Prosperity Preferable to Free Trade 
and Poverty 

THERE has been so much said in regard to 
this question during the presidential cam- 
paigns of late years, that it at first seems almost 
useless to give space in this work for even a short 
chapter. 

But, the question is one that needs much 
earnest study; and though advocating its just 
needs at all times, it is hoped that the principles 
of protection will become so firmly fixed upon 
the minds of the American people that they will 
be ready at any time to protect themselves 
against false theories, presented through unsound, 
and through impracticable ideas of people, who, 
as it appears, do not understand the first prin- 
ciples of business. 

Besides, did it not occur to you how soon we 
forgot the events of a presidential campaign, 
even the very questions that were given the fore- 
most part, and were considered the leading issues 
of the day? 

Yes, as soon as the results of the balloting 
are learned, we have considered the battle either 

24 



TARIFF 25 

won or lost, this depending upon the side upon 
which we were arrayed when the final vote was 
taken. 

But, for the sake of home interests, and, in 
fact, for the sake of every interest peculiar to us 
as an American people, we should not lay aside 
and forget that which so vitally affects us. 

The tariff is a protection to all people, not 
only to those of one section of our country, but 
to the people of all sections; and, therefore, it 
should be fully maintained against undue meth- 
ods of our free-trade theorists, to deprive us of 
the just benefits due us, through its protective 
features. 

There has been a spirit of unrest lurking in 
the minds of our people for sometime past. 
Four years ago this trouble was all attributed to 
the then-existing tariff laws, as it was de- 
cided by the majority of the people at that time. 
Many of the same people, who during the cam- 
paign just past, and who were spending their 
time advocating the free silver theory, were then, 
through their teachings, extending the free trade 
doctrine; and there was no end apparently, to 
campaign documents which were given to the 
workmen, with telling effect, in regard to the 
amount of duty they were required to pay on 
the tin out of which their dinner buckets were 
made, until through such teaching, and votes 
cast accordingly, they were not only freed from 



26 TARIFF. 

paying such duty, which they have since learned 
was only a protective duty, but they were even 
relieved from the expense of buying the buckets, 
as they had no use for them, business not re- 
quiring their use, as was fully demonstrated to 
this people during the administration follow- 
ing such teachings. 

After such a complete failure of this free 
trade issue in producing the good results claimed 
for it by the free trade people, would it have 
been prudent for the managers of this same 
party to have brought forth this same issue, dur- 
ing the campaign just past, as it was during the 
campaign of four years before? Could they have 
had even a hope of carrying the day, on the basis 
of such a dismal failure, or, as it more properly 
may be termed, a dead issue to them? 

No, and it was not attempted, except it may 
have been in some instances in trying to defend 
their position against the dreadful onslaught on 
their ranks by the protection people, who rightly 
declared that protection was an issue, and were 
determined to carry the battle on that line, 
which,- as we well know, was carried so gallantly 
and so decidedly, that we would almost believe 
that such a victory had come to stay with us. 

In this, though, we must not be deceived; for 
the reason that during the new administration's 
progress, which through proper legislation, we 
expect times to gradually grow better, it must 



TARIFF. 27 

be remembered that will require much time to 
make such changes, that will be necessary to 
be made, so as to undo the wrong, the effects of 
which now so sadly afflicts the people. 

The building up of such a wretchedly de- 
based condition of business affairs, is no small 
task indeed; it is like the rebuilding of an im- 
mense architectural work, the structure grand 
and massive in itself, but which was, in a very 
short time, destroyed by the elements. 

The first of all the work to be done in re- 
building such a structure, is the clearing away 
the debris; this requires much time and patience 
in order that there may be had a good, clean and 
substantial foundation upon which the new 
structure may be erected. 

The plans must be perfected, and new ma- 
terial selected and brought upon the ground to 
take the place of that partially or wholly unfit 
to be used in the new structure. 

The workmen arrive, and for weeks and 
months they give their best efforts to bring 
the building to a state of completion, and 
ready for occupancy. 

The necessary delay, though, in erecting this 
building, has caused great dissatisfaction among 
the occupants of the former great structure, and 
the consequence is that some of the people, al- 
though not satisfied before as to business ad- 
vantages, have gone to other quarters, believing 



TARIFF. 



that they were justified in doing so, while others 
have been looking around for such, for the rea- 
son that it was utterly impossible to give them 
at once that which requires time and much ex- 
pense to possess. 

But when this building is completed in its 
every part, its grand architectural outline dis- 
playing its beauties in its perfectly modeled, as 
well as solid and massive masonry, with its fin- 
ishings and furnishings betokening greater com- 
fort, and greater safety and security from the 
elements that so fiercely reduced to ruins the 
former less pretentious building, do you not think 
that the former occupants will look upon this 
new structure very favorably? And it will not 
be until then that the beauties and comfort, as 
well as protection secured through this new work, 
will be duly and justly appreciated. 

Will this not be about the condition of affairs 
during the new administration's progress in try- 
ing to renew, or to bring back, prosperity to the 
people, when this whole matter which comprises 
this great political structure is to be erected upon 
the site of the ruins of this free trade administra- 
tion that is just in the act of finishing its final 
work, to be turned over to the party of protection? 
Will it not require much time to clear away 
this political debris and select and put into place 
the different parts that make up and complete 
this new structure? 



TARIFF. 29 

Will not the people during this period become 
dissatisfied before the time arrives in which pros- 
perity could reasonably be expected? And this 
dissatisfaction following the very unsatisfactory 
administration of free trade theories certainly 
cannot improve matters any as far as the outlook 
of our prosperity is concerned, relating to the 
campaign of four years hence, unless the people 
are more patient than they have been in like 
matters in the past. 

Let us look at this matter carefully and learn 
what is required to be done before the wheels of 
prosperity can be made to turn as in former 
times of protection; that is, supposing that the 
present administration does not accede to the 
wishes of the people before the time allotted that 
a new order of affairs must be instituted. 

In studying this question carefully we may 
be surprised at the magnitude of this great polit- 
ical institution, when we consider the important 
changes to be made upon the inauguration of a 
new president and the time it requires to make 
them, and all these changes to be made during 
the period before we can reasonably expect times 
to be much or greatly improved. 

In the first place, following an election it is 
fully one-third of a year before the inauguration 
of the successful candidate as president takes 
place. At the same time the new cabinet is in- 
stalled to take charge of the great departments 



30 TARIFF. 

into which our general government is divided. 
Also, the changes in the house of representatives 
take place upon the convening of congress, fol- 
lowed by the changes in the senate. Organiza- 
tion must be effected according to the new ar- 
rangement of affairs, and by the time new 
measures have been formulated that are desired 
to be enacted into laws, and when such measures 
have successfully passed the different committees, 
then to be placed in turn before the two great 
political bodies, the law making powers of this 
country, and then to be presented to the presi- 
dent for his approval by placing his signature to 
such documents, it is clearly to be seen that 
many months have passed since the day when 
the balloting was done for which we longed to 
see such a change to benefit the people. 

We have the law, after these many months of 
anxious waiting, which is to give us the needed 
relief so that prosperity may be with us again, 
but what has happened during these many 
months of toil and waiting to again lessen the 
fond hopes to be achieved, even at this period 
when we thought that the last barrier to success 
had been torn away? We have the law that is 
to give us the needed relief, what, then, now 
stands in our way to prosperity? 

Let us examine this question as we have 
others, and when we have learned the true con- 
dition of affairs, even at this moment of sup- 



TARIFF. 31 

posed success, we can then more fully realize 
what it means to the American people to indulge 
in free trade ideas for even the period of one pres- 
idential administration. It is not until this time 
has arrived that the people can fully realize to 
what great injury such folly has attended us in 
all the branches of business relating to our 
American industries, and it is sincerely hoped 
that this lesson will suffice us for all time, not 
only in tariff matters, but in matters relating to 
any great question of government in which it is 
possible that such follies may attack our Amer- 
ican interests or our American institutions. Let 
us take timely precautions in such matters and 
guard them from evil from whatever source it 
may come. 

Now, let us look for the cause that even at 
the time of this supposed success seems to dis- 
place with doubt and mistrust the very last 
hopes of ever regaining what we so much need to 
place us again in part in the position of the true 
American as to home, comfort, enjoyment, and, 
in fact, everything that has a tendency to better 
the condition of the people. 

In our endeavor to locate this cause we may 
learn this: that just as soon as the announce- 
ment was made that protection had carried the 
day at the polls, the manufacturers of foreign 
countries, upon learning this, saw that their only 
chance to benefit themselves by such a decision 



32 TARIFF. 

of the American people, was to begin to 
prepare goods for the American market to be 
imported into this country before the new tariff 
rates go into effect. 

Upon this idea they most likely began work 
at once, and it will not be long until our markets 
are greatly flooded with such goods, and, in fact, 
great stores of them, remaining in places of stor- 
age, to be placed upon the market just as they 
can be used, long after the new tariff rates have 
been fully established; all these goods will be 
brought into our country, under the present tar- 
iff laws, which on many articles the duty has 
been entirely removed, and on others the rates 
are so low, that the foreign manufacturers and 
importers will reap a harvest when the new 
rates go into effect; and during all this period of 
many months of working off this great stock of 
goods, our people will be wondering why the new 
state of affairs is not more beneficial to them, as 
they fail to see the great activity in our manu- 
facturing interests that was fully expected when 
the new tariff law went into effect; and at the 
same time many honest, hard working but poor 
American laborers, will be wondering, too, why 
it is that they are unable to secure positions 
even under the new tariff laws which, as it was 
supposed, was to benefit them also. 

Is not the failure to obtain positions due in 
part to the cause just named? And, also, is it 



TARIFF. 33 

not due in part to the immigration laws favor- 
ing this, which is one of the most unjust of all 
unjust laws against the welfare of the American 
people? 

Have we not learned that the American 
workman cannot be truly prosperous, even under 
the best of protective tariff laws, until this im- 
migrating people are no longer permitted to se- 
cure positions due the American? 

During the period of such unfavorable condi- 
tions as named in regard to importations, we 
may hear mutterings of discontent, and learn 
from this that it is from the same people who 
during the campaign preceding the last, put so 
much stress upon the tin bucket theory, which 
brought such disaster to our people. 

The effects of such teachings we still have 
with us, but, it is hoped, they will be remedied 
by the new administration, before another tem- 
pestous wave of distrust is brought upon us. 

The very people who during the campaign 
just preceding the new administration to be, did 
not then dare to advocate the tin bucket theory, 
but found it necessary to place the blame upon 
some other cause; and, after looking around for 
a scape-goat, finally decided to accept the silver 
theory as the most practicable one to bear the 
burdens of the free trade folly. 

What may we expect from them next? It is 
most likely that they be found rallying their 



34 TARIFF. 

forces again, just at the period when success is 
possible, so as to present this same silver theory, 
as the people have not had an opportunity to 
pass upon this folly by actual experience, as they 
had on the free trade policy, which, after re- 
peated efforts, the public were induced to adopt 
it for, it is hoped, its final overthrow. 

It is possible though, as time passes, that the 
free silver craze will not receive as firm a sup- 
port from the people as the managers of this 
theory would like to have in order to make their 
chances during the next presidential campaign 
reasonably certain for them, and, through this 
lack of confidence they may find it necessary to 
take up some other theory upon which to lay the 
blame, and which may prove, also, fully as dis- 
astrous to our business interests, if success is 
likely to be attained by them. 

Is it not fully understood that it is much eas- 
ier to tear down and destroy, and it requires but 
little time to make the destruction most com- 
plete, which in turn requires months, and may be 
years, to replace that which was destroyed? 

Have we not seen buildings fine in structure, 
and beautiful to look upon, and which required 
much time to erect them, and at a cost of many 
thousands of dollars, swept away by the ele- 
ments in only a few hours of time? 

Do you know of any process by which such 
buildings could be replaced in all their grand- 



TARIRF. 

eur in as short a time as they were destroyed? 

No, and is it not the same in the rebuilding, 
or the re-enacting of laws which constitute good 
government, when such laws have been so 
changed as to almost effectually ruin the busi- 
ness of the country? 

Then if such is true, should we not have at 
all times the exercise of intelligent thought, re- 
garding the great questions of government, so as 
to be able, through the careful study of such 
questions, to offset the follies that might be es- 
tablished through the teachings of misguided 
theorists? 

We have many interests as a people to be 
be looked after, and tariff is most assuredly one 
of them, so let no one deceive us in this line. 

It is the learning of the whys and wherefores 
that all such interests should be maintained that 
make us proper individuals to cast the vote in- 
telligently. 

It is the applying of thought to such questions, 
so as to become masters of them, just in the 
same manner that a student applies his thoughts 
in pursuing the studies to qualify himself as a 
practical man in the line of duty or profession 
he expects to follow for a livelihood. 

Does it not appear reasonable, from past re- 
views of the subject of tariff, that the American 
people cannot compete with the products of labor, 
or even labor itself, of foreign countries when 



36 TARIFF. 

such labor receives such poor remuneration foi 
its work performed? 

Even if we could be reduced to the same or 
like conditions that exist generally among the 
people throughout the world, would we want 
such conditions among us? 

Do we wish to be deprived of every vestige of 
right to advancement, and through such priva- 
tions gradually but surely become lowered to the 
dreadful, to the deplorable conditions of the peo- 
ple of governments that look to the building up 
of aristocracy as of much more importance to 
them than to care for and look after the welfare 
of the suffering millions of people who are the 
subjects of these great aristocratic governments? 
No, but instead, we should seek to better our 
conditions as a people, so that, with the hope 
of advancement, we may in time realize that 
we have achieved a position which is far in ad- 
vance of that which once darkened the ways of 
prosperity; that prosperity which so long before 
had been with us. 

Do not let us for one moment be coerced into 
a state of degradation, to become the slaves of 
unmerciful capital, and to be treated as the peo- 
ple of other nations are, simply to satisfy the 
avaricious greed of this aristocratic people. 

If the aristocratic governments fail to look after 
and properly care for their people, but let them 
sink into the depths of degradation until it should 



TARIFF. 37 

be looked upon as a crime, it is no reason that 
we should follow their example, but, far from it, 
we should be the more determined to set a proper 
example for those nations, so that the people of 
such governments may see the good results ob- 
tained by careful and judicious legislation in 
our country, and if they wish to be benefitted 
likewise they may in unity of action make such 
demands of their governments that will cause 
concessions to be made which, if not up to our 
standard of government, will greatly benefit 
them as a people. 

Our people, through proper legislation in 
tariff matters, had had a long and very success- 
ful business career, and were doing well as far as 
interests in this line were concerned, barring out 
the injustice to our workmen through lax immi- 
gration laws, until the free trade policy assailed 
us, and even then the people were led to believe 
that it was to make times better than they were. 

They did not know in reality what this free 
trade theory meant, but they know now what it 
means, having been taught by experience the 
dreadful effects it established during the period 
of only four years. Even then it was only par- 
tially free trade that we had. What would be 
the effects upon the business of our country if 
free trade in full were established? 

It would not be long until it would be simply 
degradation itself in its worst form, transferred 



38 TARIFF. 

from the nations of the old world, as well as 
from some of those of the new, to our shores to 
deal out death blows to every industry in our 
land; also to deprive the millions of people of 
the needed comforts of life, their homes, their 
educational advantages, and in fact, deprive 
them of everything American, to satisfy that 
element of our country who stoop so low 
in the interests of humanity as to wish to imi- 
tate the aristocratic powers of foreign nations- 
Would any political party dare to make free 
trade an issue before the American people at the 
present time? Could any party make the work- 
men believe that it is a hardship and an outrage 
to be required to pay the small duty on the tin 
bucket. Has he not fully tested that theory and 
found it lacking? And, as a result of such tests, 
have we not had four years of the hardest times 
that were ever experienced by the American peo- 
ple during any like peaceful period of our gov- 
ernment? Has he not learned that the free 
trade theory simply caused the opening of our 
markets to the world, and it was only a short 
time until the products of poorly paid labor in 
foreign countries were shipped here and it made 
it impossible for our own manufacturers to com- 
pete with such, and they were of necessity re- 
quired to close their factories to save their prop- 
erties, let alone trying to make money manufac- 
turing goods? Also, that thousands upon 



TARIFF. 39 

thousands of people in our country lost employ- 
ment to give such to labor abroad, simply 
because the condition of the then as well as now 
existing tariff laws favors such a state of affairs 
against the interests of our people? But was 
this proper, and was it loyalty to the people to 
so legislate that it favored those abroad, those in 
whom we have no national interest, and no in- 
terest at all further than for humanity's sake we 
wish all to get along well and to do well? Is it 
not the duty of each and every government to 
conduct its affairs in such a manner that will 
make prosperous its own people? Is it not an 
obligation that should be required of all by the 
civilized world, if any government should not do 
so? Would not a parent be most unmercifully 
criticised if he should neglect his duties regard- 
ing the welfare of his family and so much the 
more so if his circumstances were such that 
would warrant the best of care of them, but in- 
stead, appropriates to his own selfish being the 
greater part of his wealth, leaving his family 
destitute and in need of the common comforts of 
life? Should not this be made true with regard 
to governments when they fail to provide for the 
people, but appropriate to the use of government, 
which means in such cases to the use of aristoc- 
racy, that which justly belongs to the people? 
Should not such governments receive the just 
criticisms of any government that looks to the 



40 TARIFF. 

welfare of its people in connection with govern- 
ment, and does not permit aristocracy to rule 
affairs to the injury of the people? 

The tariff laws of our country were such before 
the change took place, and gave protection to 
our people so fully that, to a great extent, for- 
eign goods were kept from our shores. By the 
enactment of such laws commodities were 
brought from the farms and the factories of our 
own country to supply the needs of the people, 
and the business transacted by the people was 
simply an exchange between the producers of the* 
different commodities and the consumers. The 
consumers, in a great part, being those employed 
in the different pursuits of business operated under 
our protective laws. The result was the money 
did not go from our country for the reason that 
through this system of exchange the money passed 
from one to another of our own people, thus giv- 
ing each an opportunity to make settlement with 
the same money; and through each exchange 
there was labor to be accounted for, and this 
labor was performed in our own country, instead 
of being performed in some foreign country, to 
be paid for out of the savings of our American 
labor. 

Is it not much better to have this exchange 
of commodities among our own people than to 
close our institutions, which are the very means 
of success to us, as it gives employment which is 



TARIFF. 41 

a great necessity? Is it not much better not to 
close our own resources to labor, for when we 
do, and foreign goods are in our markets, under 
low tariff rates, such that close our factories and 
deprive our workmen of employment, they must 
be paid for out of the savings of more prosperous 
times; this money goes to foreign lands not to 
return, which with us performs but one mission, 
that of paying for the goods imported. It is 
better by far to have such laws that will cause 
the factories of our own country to open their 
doors wide to welcome the American laborers to 
remunerative positions. 

Do you think that foreign goods in our mar- 
ket are cheap to us? not by any means, but in- 
stead, they are very, very dear to us; as they 
have cost us our positions, closed our fac- 
tories and our business houses; and besides 
this, they take our savings from us, and in 
all they have a demoralizing effect in every 
line of business throughout this great land. 

Why should this have such ruinous effects with 
labor and business of our country? Simply be- 
cause of the difference between this country and 
other countries in rewarding labor. Let every 
country raise its standard of labor to the stand- 
ard established by this country and we will not 
need protective tariff laws; but, just as long as 
such a difference between this country and 
others exists, in regard to rewarding labor, it 



42 TARIFF. 

will be just so long that labor of this coun try 
will require good protective laws. 

As to the cause of such a bad state of affairs 
existing in our country at the present time, many 
people would raise the cry that we need more 
money. Certainly we would need more money 
under such circumstances, when with idle 
hands and with nothing coming in to replen- 
ish the depleted funds, but instead, all the 
money going out, we of necessity would need 
more money; and, in the end we would need 
more money than we could by any means what- 
ever produce. 

To remedy this, enact such laws that will 
cause the opening of our factories and places of 
business and give employment to the thousands 
of idle hands; by this means we can keep the 
money in our land. 

Let the man of wealth try the same impracti- 
cable process, with idle hands let his business go 
to others, and let us see what the results in 
time will be. His expenses for himself and fam- 
ily are heavy, aud the consequence is, the drain 
on his wealth is great, and at the end of a num- 
ber of years he notices with great alarm, his 
greatly reduced funds. He sounds the cry that 
he needs more money 1 

What would you think of the man under 
such circumstances? Would you not say to him 
at once, renew the business principles that once 






TARIFF. 43 

gave you such prosperity, and you will not need 
more money, as you will be able to save that 
which you now possess, and besides you will 
b*e able through such business prosperity to en- 
large your possessions. 

Is it not the same with us as a people, that is, 
we have been idle so long, and have let so much 
go out from our land, that the people begin to 
believe that we are in need of money? When, 
in reality, we should start the wheels of progress, 
which have been standing idle so long, so as to 
enable us to keep the money that we now have 
as well as that which will come to us through 
prosperous conditions. By so doing, we would 
add to our wealth, though small it may be, and 
thus enlarge it, and in time we would be fully 
relieved from the now present embarrassing con- 
ditions. 

It is more business that we need in order to 
be able to retain the money that we have, in- 
stead of gradually letting it dwindle away, until 
the suffering it would cause would simply beggar 
description. 

Even under such laws as we have at present, 
of wh at good will more money be to us if we 
have not employment by which we will be able 
to bring this money to us? Coining more money 
cannot benefit us in the least, if we have not em- 
ployment or business that will give to us such 
money, due as a reward for work performed or 



44 TARIFF. 

business tranasacted; therefore more money 
would not benefit us individually under existing 
conditions, caused by unfavorable laws; and, un- 
less such laws are changed, we will be, through 
no fault of ours though, like the beggar, with 
whom it is always more money or its equivalent 
that he needs, as he does nothing to better his 
condition, and as nature requires a certain 
amount of food and clothing to keep him alive, 
it still requires more money to furnish him the 
most common necessities of life. 

This, though, as to doing nothing to better 
his condition would not be applicable to the 
honest, hard working man, as he has been de- 
prived of every means by which he can better his 
condition, and all that is needed now is to give 
him a chance to earn his living and he will be 
in a prosperous condition in time. The more 
money part, though, is applicable, as it is not 
his fault that nature requires a certain amount 
of food and clothing which he is not able to pro- 
vide for himself. 

We should have legislation that will fully 
protect every needed article that can be grown 
or produced in our country, so that the money 
may remain with us as an exchange between 
our own people, as well as to carry on trade 
with foreign countries. Even in trade with for- 
eign countries we should get back as much 
money, if not more, than goes out of our country. 



TARIFF. 45 

In this transaction of business it is simply an 
exchange between countries. 

To illustrate more fully as to the importance 
of our home exchange in commodities, suppose 
we represent the purchasing power from foreign 
countries to its fullest extent and then learn how 
it would affect us; that is, suppose we as a peo- 
ple had to depend upon foreign countries for 
every known article of commerce, that we pro- 
duce nothing, but are required to buy everything 
from foreign countries. 

Do you not think that we would, under such 
circumstances, need more money than we ever 
have had, so as to provide ourselves with the ne- 
cessities of life? Yes, all the money we now 
have would soon be shipped to foreign lands, 
and with nothing coming back it would soon be 
utterly impossible to furnish money at all, as we 
would have no sources from which it would come 
to us. 

If this should prove so disastrous in extreme 
cases, is it not reasonable to suppose that the 
same conditions would exist in a proportionate 
degree when we depend in part on other countries 
for such commodities? And, if this is true, is it 
not our duty to protect every article which is the 
product of the farm, the factory, and in fact, 
from every known source in which labor has per- 
formed its part in producing such articles? 

Then, in reality, what is tariff to the Ameri- 



46 TARIFF. 

can people as applied for protection of American 
industries? It is the difference in the cost of 
production of an article from the soil or from the 
factory, as paid under the American system of 
rewarding labor, and that as paid to labor under 
the almost pauper system of rewarding labor by 
foreign countries. This difference in the cost of 
production is collected by our government on 
goods imported into our country to protect 
American interests and at the same time this 
money is used to help defray the expenses of the 
government. 

Then what functions does the tariff as thus 
applied perform? 

First, with proper restrictions to immigration 
it insures to our people a fair recompense for 
labor performed. 

Second, it provides means with which to help 
defray the expenses of government, and relieves, 
to a great extent, the collection of an amount of 
money that otherwise would of necessity be col- 
lected from sources of internal taxation. 

Third, it keeps the money in our own coun- 
try to be used as an exchange between our peo- 
ple, as well as an exchange with foreign coun- 
tries. 

Fourth, with all these benefits, it insures 
better homes, better government and a more en- 
lightened people; all this for the advancement of 
the cause of humanity, which are just rewards 






TARIFF. 47 

for honest legislation in behalf of the welfare of 
our people. 

Thus it is learned that tariff duties benefit us 
in every way in which the term is applicable; 
therefore, why should it not be maintained for 
our interests? 

We have learned that it is useless for us to 
try to compete with labor in foreign countries 
until such a time when the ruling powers of such 
countries see the necessity of raising the stand- 
ard of labor to the standard established in our 
country. When this is done in all foreign coun- 
tries, then we can open our markets to the world. 
Then the price of labor of all other countries 
will be on a par with labor as paid in our 
country. 

But without this equality in labor being fully 
established in all countries it would be utterly 
useless for us to try to compete with the products 
of labor in the open markets of the world, unless 
we wish to drop our standard of labor to a level 
of the standard established in foreign countries, 
which to us might seem almost brutal as to the 
hardships we would be required to endure and 
the great injustices it would establish among our 
people, from which save us and let us enjoy the 
freedom and liberty of a true American form of 
government. 

But, do you suppose that such a thing as 
making labor equal in the different countries 



48 TARIFF. 

will ever occur? If it does it will be when, 
through our prosperity, the masses of people of 
foreign powers learn their true conditions, as 
compared with the prosperous condition of our 
people, and with united action, demand equal 
conditions for their people from their govern- 
ments; it will be then, and not until then that 
it will be even possible to establish such an 
equality; for aristocratic forms of government do 
not conduct matters in this way, favoring the 
people as under a republican form of government. 

The tariff rates should be so established that, 
with proper immigration laws truly enforced, 
will protect fully the producer and the laborer of 
our country; and, when so applied, let it be 
watched with that vigilance that characterizes 
us the true Americans that we should be, to be 
able to preserve and to keep intact, all that is 
of interest and importance to us as a people. 

It is necessary for us to watch our interests, 
if we wish to be truly prosperous. We cannot 
neglect such interests without it having very bad 
results with us as a people. If we neglect to 
enact and enforce such laws that are necessary, 
to protect us from the dreadful conditions of the 
people of foreign countries, then we, as a peo- 
ple, must of necessity, drop to those conditions. 
But, for the sake of humanity, do not Let us ne- 
glect that which is of such vital importance to 
us. Let us work earnestly and fearlessly for the 



TARIFF. 49 

good of all of our country, so that we may be a 
truly prosperous people, one strong and en- 
lightened, which is necessary to make secure our 
government. 

Charity should begin at home, this is neces- 
sary; although the working people of other na- 
tions have our most heartfelt sympathies, we 
cannot neglect our own to better their conditions; 
especially so when through aristocratic forms of 
government, the people have been deprived of 
their rights, which should be restored to them, 
by the aristocratic powers that have been so 
greatly benefitted through such unjust practices 
upon the people. 

Each country should be required to take 
care of its own people, and not one country, 
ours, be required to bear the burdens of a down- 
trodden people, being the product of unjust and 
unholy aristocracy. 



IMMIGRATION 

Restriction of Immigration a Protection to Am- 
erican Labor and a Subterfuge from An- 
archy and Like Evils* 

THE question of immigration like that of tar- 
iff is a very important one to the American 
people, and unless proper immigration laws are 
enacted, we will never realize the real or true 
benefits from even the best of tariff laws. 

Heretofore, when a tariff law has been en- 
acted for protection of the people's interests, the 
immigration laws have been very lax; thus, 
through these lax laws the American laborer has 
not received that protection which is necessarily 
due him to insure true prosperity. 

Protection to our industries is a great neces- 
sity, and if it is a necessity, why, then, should not 
fully as strict immigration laws be enacted and 
enforced, so that protection in its fullest sense 
will be derived from the tariff laws for the bene- 
fit of the American laborer, as well as to have 
protection for the benefit of the producer? If 
protection is so beneficial to one, why should it 
not prove just as beneficial to the other? 

If it is necessary to close the door to the 
product of labor coming into this country free of 

50 



IMMIGRATION. 51 

duty, in order to protect our industries, why is 
it not just as necessary to close the door to 
labor itself, when coming into this country free, 
which under such conditions means nothing less 
than such labor to secure positions intended for 
our own people? 

Why is the immigration door not closed so as 
to fully protect our laborers, which means our 
people, as all, except the capitalists, are included 
in the term when applied to protection? Even 
the capitalist, when his money is invested in 
manufacturing or other pursuits, will be affected 
if such industries are not under protection; this 
would be in the nature of the product of labor, 
and not labor itself, as in the case of the work- 
man. 

The people who depend upon securing posi- 
tions in the great mercantile and manufacturing 
establishments, or depend upon the securing of 
positions in any calling, are the people who are 
sorely affected on account of lax immigration 
laws. 

Is it not strange that the one door, a good 
part of the time, has been so effectually closed, 
while the other has been so badly neglected? Is 
this not due, in a great part, through the failure 
of the laborer looking after his interests more 
fully after the producer had secured his? That 
is, the producer after securing the tariff laws, 
which fully protect him, does not go so far as to 



52 IMMIGRATION. 

seek just as equal a protection for the laborer, 
through proper immigration laws. 

Does not capital benefit by this unequal pro- 
tection, as it is able to secure cheaper labor to per- 
form its works? 

Does it benefit us fully as a people, to place a 
tariff duty on commodities, and for the reason 
that such commodities cannot with profit be im- 
ported into this country, labor itself, which is 
practically free, comes instead to take the places 
in our manufacturing and other institutions, 
which were intended for our own laborers? No, 
for the reason that tariff duties, fully protect, 
only, our industries; and, in order that labor 
may be as fully protected, we must look to 
proper immigration laws being enacted, to fully 
established this protection to labor. 

If the manufacturers of foreign countries are 
not in a position to compete in manufacturing 
with like establishments ;. of our country, on ac- 
count of our protective laws, the result is they 
lose much business Vith our country, which has 
a great tendency to lessen the amount of labor 
required under more favorable circumstances, 
and, undoubtedly will lessen in the same degree 
the running capacities of such establishments, so 
that the protective duties on importations into 
our country have about the same effect on indus- 
tries and labor in other countries that free trade 
with those countries has with labor and the in- 



IMMIGRATION. 53 

dustries of our country, only it is experienced in 
a much less degree as to the evil effects in other 
countries, as it is one country, ours, against all 
other countries in trying to establish a high 
standard of citizenship for its workmen; and, in 
order to do this, it has to contend with poorly 
paid and degraded labor of all the countries of 
the world. 

This, though, the establishing of such a stand- 
ard is a moral duty and an obligation required of 
us in the interests of true humanity, and it should 
be attained above all aristocratic endeavors to 
debase labor. 

Protective duties with proper immigration 
laws increase the value of labor in our land. 
But, at the same time, the best of tariff laws 
without proper immigration laws simply in- 
crease the number of immigrants to our country, 
to take the places of our American workmen, 
whom such tariff laws in part were intended to 
benefit. The consequence is it depreciates the 
value of labor, thus destroying to a great extent 
the good results attained for labor through pro- 
tective duties. Also, protective duties have a 
tendency to increase the value of our products, 
and this, with labor depreciated, works a great 
injustice upon the laboring people. 

If the value of the products are increased the 
value of labor should be increased accordingly, 
so that labor will be equally benefitted, and it is 



54 IMMIGRATION. 

only through this equality being fully estab- 
lished that will insure to us true prosperity 
against the deplorable labor conditions of the 
world. 

The foreign laborer takes notice of the in- 
creased value placed upon labor in this country, 
due to the protective features established by us, 
and at once begins the study of the question to 
better his condition. 

Seeing the downward tendency of business in 
his own country, due in part to the tariff regula- 
tions of our country, but, in greater part, due to 
the form of aristocratic government under which 
he lives, paying labor of his country so poorly, 
and, receiving still poorer rewards for its works, 
on account of such depressions in business, he 
begins to reason in this way as to bettering his 
condition: If the product of labor cannot be 
shipped to this country with profit, the only 
course that remains for him to pursue is to come 
to this country himself and seek employment. 

This he does, thus relieving the labor strain 
by one in his own country, but increasing it by 
one in our country; or, in other words, for every 
thousand or ten thousand, or for any number of 
thousands of people who leave foreign lands to 
come to ours, simply relieve the labor strain of 
such countries by just so many thousands; but, 
at the same time, the labor strain of our country 
is increased by just that number; and the result 



IMMIGRATION. 55 

is, just so many of our American workmen are 
idle, to benefit this foreign element. How can 
there be any justice in such laws to our people 
which permits such rank perpetrations of injus- 
tice upon them? 

By enacting proper tariff laws, we create good 
paying positions in the many different branches 
of trade, such that are due the American work- 
man, so as to enable him to keep his family in 
good circumstances, and to educate his children, 
as well as to have a good comfortable home of his 
own; and, besides all this, to have a feeling of 
self pride, that there is a brighter future for him- 
self and family. 

That to labor when justly rewarded is truly 
honorable. That degradation, under such cir- 
cumstances, does not follow as a reward of labor; 
but instead, prosperity, as relating to this world's 
goods, and above all, that feeling of true man- 
hood which elevates the moral and intellectual 
forces; and, through prosperity, being able to 
provide means by which both he and his family 
can attain a higher and more advanced stage in 
educational matters, which creates a more en- 
lightened and a more intelligent people, to help 
solve the great question of government; and, to 
help establish an American standard of citizen- 
ship far beyond the reach of our now common, 
every day advocators of unsound principles, as 
they may be heard along the street, and upon the 



56 IMMIGRATION. 

street corners; and, in fact, as heard in places 
which should not be permitted to exist in a truly 
well governed, well educated, and enlightened 
nation. 

Under the favorable circumstances that exist 
under truly protective laws, the American laborer 
is delighted with the prospects before him, and 
improves every opportunity to better his condi- 
tion, and every effort is attended with good re- 
sults. All are happy in the home, and prospects 
brighten at every turn. 

In that home, though, is a full realization, 
that such comforts and opportunities depend 
upon the continuation of the laws that make it 
possible for them to continue in prosperity and 
advancement, as to the educational features, 
against the great misfortunes of the millions of 
people in foreign lands, whose forms of govern- 
ment are not as favorable to them as a people. 

The tariff is watched and regarded as the 
keynote to success, but the immigration laws 
have not been considered of so much importance, 
for through this immigration we had a contented 
feeling that we were building a greater nation 
numerically, but, alas, we have not been consid- 
ering of late years the worst feature of this for- 
eign element, the establishing of anarchistic and 
other debasing principles in our political sphere; 
principles un-American, unsound and unjust, 
but the products of aristocratic forms of govern- 



IMMIGRATION. 57 

ment, where law favors the few to the disadvan- 
tage of the many, and are not enacted by the 
people for the interests of the people, as they 
should be with every well governed people, for 
then such laws are enacted to benefit all, instead 
of being enacted by a self-chosen few to benefit 
the few. 

Through the neglect to enact proper immi- 
gration laws, so as to fully support the protective 
features of the tariff laws regarding labor, a dark 
day dawns to the American workmen, as there 
appears in their midst a new man, one from 
a foreign shore. His presence indicates that he 
seeks employment. His manners are different 
from those of the American. He has an air of 
one released from bondage, one not accustomed 
to breathe the pure air of freedom, and he does 
not know just how to conduct himself and not 
show too much his feelings in his present as well 
as his prospective station in life. 

We judge from his talk that he is greatly 
pleased with his prospects in this new country; 
but he expresses considerable bitterness in regard 
to his home government, this though, done slyly 
and with caution, as if his mind had not been 
fully made up, as to whether he really at heart, so 
disliked it, or whether he was controlled through 
selfish motives, peculiar to his former surround- 
ings at home. 

He knows nothing in regard to our govern- 



58 IMMIGRATION. 

ment and its institutions, as he has just arrived 
upon our shores, and has not yet had an oppor- 
tunity to study and learn them. He comes to a 
new country, in every way new to him, as its 
government and its institutions are so different 
from those under which he was reared, and it may 
be, under which he lived, to a period in life far 
past his majority; at any rate, the principles of 
home government have been firmly fixed in his 
mind, and no matter how favorable he finds cir- 
cumstances in this • new home of his, his mind 
will wander back to boy-hood days, and to days 
when he had even reached his majority; and, 
through the review of home events, he remembers 
the happening of events differently, it may be, 
from the ways they actually happened, when the 
sterner side of life is realized by him in this new 
country. 

Time has a tendency to mould or shape the 
record of past events in our minds, favoring the 
many reviews that we make of them; especially 
so, when the stern events of the present, causes 
us to review more frequently the events of our 
earlier life, seeking solace from some, as it would 
be, favorable period to offset the ills we bear at 
present. As years pass by and time has softened 
our once harsh feelings towards our once unfavor- 
able surroundings, they become lovelier to us, 
and we may even yearn for that, for which we 
had at one time, formed such a dislike. 






IMMIGRATION. 59 

That which is true in regard to everyday life 
occurrences, is certainly true with the immigrant 
into this country. What he sees upon his ar- 
rival is new and interesting to him. He has 
not yet learned the sterner side of life in this 
new country. 

Many people come here with the idea that 
freedom means to do as one pleases, and that 
there are no bounds to its significance in this 
line, and they cannot understand how freedom 
is governed by law, and that by freedom is 
meant the will of the people in matters political, 
instead of the individual freedom of a willful, 
malicious and misguided person to exercise such 
freedom to commit wrong. 

This is all new to them and difficult to un- 
derstand, and they begin to believe that the 
principles of freedom, as understood by a repub- 
lican form of government is not, after all, the 
kind of freedom that they want, and this is 
about the time they begin to show the real ef- 
fects of teaching under their home governments; 
that principles installed' in the mind during 
youth are lasting. 

Also, that love for home, no matter how hum- 
ble it may have been, nor how different it may 
be from our present much better circumstances, 
it still exists in the remembrance of past events 
and a reference to it brings back fond remem- 
brances which are as lasting as time. 



60 IMMIGRATION. 

Thus the new man brings with him views 
relating to home government which, although, 
while he is not in full sympathy with them, 
shows at once that he is not in full sympathy 
with ours. And thus, with the views of so many 
immigrants from all parts of the world, we have 
established with us principles and institutions 
which are so foreign to those that were intended 
to be established by our forefathers. On ac- 
count of this there should not be any nationality 
recognized by us politically. We should be 
American only, and those who are given the 
rights of suffrage should receive such as Ameri- 
can citizens, and not as foreign Americans, to 
exercise this suffrage as foreign born citizens 
against us, and those who cannot receive the 
right of suffrage in this way are certainly not 
entitled to it and should be barred from citizen- 
ship. And not only this, but they should not 
be permitted to remain in our country to prey on 
the rights of our people. 

The wages the new man received at home were 
so much lower than those paid in like positions 
in this country that in this line he glories in the 
prospects before him. He is an expert in his 
line of business and now feels great relief from 
the restraint of the forced conditions under 
which he was required to follow his employment 
at home, and believes he will find matters much 
more favorable to him in this new country. 



IMMIGRATION. 61 

He looks around and finally decides to make ap- 
plication for a position. He calls upon the em- 
ployers of a manufacturing establishment, makes 
known his wants, and advises them that he is 
well versed in a certain line of duty in their 
manufacturing business, making an offer at the 
time, as to the amount of salary he would expect 
in case he is employed in this line. 

The employers of the institution where the 
position is wanted, upon learning the difference 
between paying the American workman the sal- 
ary they now pay him, and the one offered by 
the foreigner, look upon this difference in a finan- 
cial way, instead of due justice to the American; 
and, after duly considering all things to their in- 
terest, and believing that the one is as much of 
an expert as the other in that particular position, 
and that their interests will be fully as well pro- 
tected by the one as the other, are lead through 
this process of reasoning to look upon the change 
very favorably; if, in the event when they state 
the circumstances to the American, he does not 
agree to a reduction of wages in order to retain 
the position with them. 

Now, with due respect, as they would make 
believe, for the American workman, they call 
him to explain that they are in a position to se- 
cure a man for the position he occupies for con- 
siderably less salary than they are paying him. 
That they are satisfied with his work and ap- 



IMMIGRATION. 

predate much the attention he has given their 
business, but the only difference that now 
seems to be in the way is, they can get 
another who is just as much an expert as he 
the American is, and one that they feel 
will be just and true to them in the position and 
for so much less wages, they feel that in justice to 
themselves as proprietors, they should ask him 
to accept a reduction in wages and retain the 
position with them. 

On inquiry the American learns that the re- 
duction expected is so great that he does not feel 
it doing himself and family justice to accept it, 
and chagrined at the new turn of affairs, he now 
sees his fond hopes vanish, if he remains in the 
same position at such reduced wages. 

He studies the matter carefully, giving full 
value to every privilege tendered him by his 
employers, but he knows that success to him 
under such unfavorable and trying circum- 
stances will be very meager indeed, as compared 
with the plans laid out by him during a more 
favorable season, and he finally decides to give up 
the position, trusting that fortune may smile 
more favorably upon him in some other position 
or line of duty. 

As the position in question is now vacant the 
new man is employed and fully installed in his 
new line of duties, and all goes along smoothly 
and all seem satisfied with the change except the 



immigration. 63 

American who gave up the position, and who 
feels greatly the injustice to him on account of 
the lax immigration laws, and the tendency of 
capital to take advantage of this with the 
American. 

Do we not see by this that a good position 
was lost to the American, simply because the 
immigration laws did not fully protect the 
American workmen, under the protective tariff 
laws, but that, capital under such laws was bene- 
fitted by it, as it employed the cheaper labor to 
benefit itself, but, to the injury of the American 
laborer ? 

Cannot we see also, that capital receives bene- 
fits in more ways than one by employing cheap 
labor ? That, through this process of having its 
work performed, it greatly cheapens the living 
expenses to the possessors of capital, at the ex- 
pense, though, of the laboring people ? That, the 
lower the wages paid for work performed is just so 
much saved to capital, under our protective laws, 
to increase itself at the expense of the people? 

Do we not see from this why capital is so 
slow to help elevate the masses of people by help- 
ing to fully establish thoroughly good immigra- 
tion laws to protect the people ? That, it looks 
after its own interests, and the great masses of 
people must likewise look after its interests, if 
they wish to enjoy the privileges of a free, liberty 
loving people ? 



64 IMMIGRATION. 

In time the new man who secured the position 
from the American, receives an increase in salary, 
and matters in regard to this position stand about 
the same as when the American was occupying 
the same position. Now, it is wished to be asked, 
in justice to the American workman, what is 
gained by the tariff for the workman when un- 
supported by proper immigration laws in such 
cases as this ? Has it benefitted the American 
workman as it was intended ? No, but what has 
it done ? 

It created the position perfectly and satisfac- 
torily to all until it was learned that the immi- 
gration laws were such that they failed to pro- 
tect fully what the tariff had created. That the 
workman is not as fully protected as he should 
be so as to receive the full benefits of proper 
tariff laws. That to remedy this it will be nec- 
essary to enact and to enforce such immigration 
laws that will fully protect the American work- 
man under any and all circumstances. 

We have learned, also, that the new position 
created, or labor better rewarded, induced a for- 
eigner to leave his own country to seek the new 
position from the American. If this is true in 
regard to one position and one immigrant, what 
must be the effect upon our position as a people 
when thousands and hundreds of thousands of 
immigrants come to our land every year? 

Cannot we see the great injustice to us as 



IMMIGRATION. 65 

Americans to permit this to continue in this 
way? Do not our favorable rewards to labor 
under protective duties simply increase the 
labor strain of our country through this immi- 
gration? And the labor strain of other countries 
is just so much relieved from time to time, be- 
cause we permit this injustice to be practiced 
upon us. 

The manner of living of this immigrating peo- 
ple is so different from our American way of 
living, and being accustomed to such living in 
their own country, they can live here upon so 
much less than the American and upon much 
less than we Americans want to be required to 
live, as we are accustomed to the privileges of a 
much higher standard of citizenship as a work- 
ing people than are the people of foreign coun- 
tries. 

Living under a republican form of govern- 
ment and under an aristocratic form of govern- 
ment are two different ways of living, and are 
not comparable. Under the one, the people 
make the laws; under the other, the laws are 
made for the people. 

Now, it is wished to consider, what we have 
gained further, in the new man in the American's 
position, by such neglect in not providing just as 
equally forcible immigration laws, so as to pro- 
tect the workman under the tariff laws ? 

In time it may be, one more name is added 



66 IMMIGRATION. 

to our lists purporting a new citizen, who during 
all his life, has been accustomed to a form of 
government so entirely different from ours, that 
he does not fully realize the meaning of the terms 
freedom and liberty, as applied to the American 
form of government; and, whose views of govern- 
ment, after all, favors more the home government 
than ours. One who does not and cannot ap- 
preciate fully, the importance of our American 
institutions; but, with all this so unfavorable to 
the welfare of our American interests, he be- 
comes a citizen under the law, but he cannot in 
reality be an American citizen, although he is 
empowered with the same privileges in casting 
the ballot, as the American who is required to be 
twenty-one years of age, before he is entitled to 
cast a vote; and, who during all this period 
is being reared under a republican form 
of government, his teachings are from the 
American standpoint in regard to government, 
while the teachings of the foreign born citizen 
were from a point just the opposite to ours re- 
garding government; but who, within a period of 
five years it may be, |has been given the same 
power in casting the ballot that is given to the 
American at twenty-one years of age. 

Is there any justice in such laws to the Amer- 
ican? Do you wish to [let such injustices be 
practiced from time to time to ther disadvantage 
of yourself _andrsons who are coming on in years. 



IMMIGRATION. 67 

and soon will have the same evils to contend 
with? No, we say, but instead, apply a remedy 
just as soon as our legislative bodies can formu- 
late a law that will truly and justly protect 
every workman in our country, and, in fact, 
every American citizen against such an injustice. 

In regard to the privilege given to foreigners 
coming to this country and exercising the rights 
of suffrage in our affairs, it might be stated that 
there was a time when this was necessary. It 
was during the building up of this country, dur- 
ing a period when there were no Americans as it 
is now understood by this term, or during such pe- 
riods of progress in this country's advancement 
that there were but very few Americans. Then 
it was necessary for this country to give the priv- 
ilege of suffrage at an early period of citizenship, 
in order to encourage immigration, so as to help 
build up and improve this country as well as to 
help build up government. 

Then also, a much better class of people came 
and with a view of building new homes; but 
now, it is the worst element to a great extent, 
that comes to our shores to be built up; and, to 
be cared for under our favorable institutions, at 
the expense of our people; we are so lenient in 
this matter as to accept almost any form of hu- 
manity that knocks at our doors for admission, 
even to the filling of our charitable institutions 
of all kinds. 



68 IMMIGRATION. 

We can see that during the earlier days of 
our country, people came with a view of better- 
ing their conditions in time by hard work only; 
for then, this country was in its wild state, not 
possessing the many advantages that since have 
become the privileges of the people to enjoy. It 
then required hard work and the enduring of 
many privations in order that success could be 
secured later on. 

But now, following this great prosperity, and 
at a time that we do not need any foreign ele- 
ment, for the reason that we have arrived at a 
point in our affairs of government, that our own 
people are becoming numerically great, and, it 
requires us to look after their welfare, we have a 
great rush of this undesirable people to our 
shores, to the great disadvantage and expense of 
our people. 

In due time the new citizen, holding the po- 
sition created for the American, seeing the ad- 
vantages he has gained by being in this coun- 
try, and having been here long enough to feel 
his importance as an American citizen, under 
the law, and beginning to think that he is not 
receiving what he is justly entitled to under this 
American government, as he undoubtedly, does 
not yet understand the terms freedom and liberty, 
as applied to our government, wishes now to re- 
ceive greater benefits; he now asks for more pay, 
and fewer hours in which to perform the duties 



IMMIGRATION. 69 

relating to his position. By this time it should 
be remembered that he may lay claim to the po- 
sition as his own special property, as would be 
inferred generally, when men leave positions dur- 
ing times of strikes. 

The demand is made of the employers, who 
are amazed at the turn of affairs, after having 
duly considered and accepted the proposition of 
this workman, and even had increased his salary, 
all these favors to him, at the expense of an 
American workman, having lost his position. 

Having duly considered all things relating 
to such a demand, they advise him that in jus- 
tice to themselves, and their business, they could 
not comply to the demands made by him, either 
to increase his wages, nor to shorten the number 
of hours of labor; as they were paying him all 
they could pay; and, as to shortening the time, 
the hours which he now gave their business were 
very reasonable, and it would hinder their busi- 
ness to shorten this time; as he would not be 
giving the time for a days work that the busi- 
ness then required. 

Here is just where the real trouble begins. 
The American though, under such circumstances, 
would have been willing for the time, to let mat- 
ters remain as they were, and would have been 
satisfied with the statement of the employers, 
when he was assured, that it was the best they 
could do for him, and he would have continued 



70 IMMIGRATION. 

right along in the position until a more favor- 
able opportunity was presented from some other 
source for a change; and then, when such an op- 
portunity was presented, he would have with- 
drawn from the position, without giving trouble, 
thus leaving it free for some one else to accept; 
and, the change would have been made so quietly 
and satisfactorily to all concerned, that no one 
would have been molested, or injured in any 
way. 

But what most likely occurs if the demands 
made by the new citizen have not been accepted? 
Well, it may be about this way; knowing the 
feeling engendered in many instances when de- 
mands made by foreign born workmen are not 
acceded to as correct and proper. 

In such cases there seems to be more of the 
physical than of the intellectual manhood dis- 
played, and this workman having been reared 
under that form of government not particularly 
friendly to the laborer, but looks upon such 
more in the nature of subjects of aristocracy than 
as a free-born citizen, with as much power in 
the elective franchise as is vested in one in the 
higher stations of life, he really begins to believe 
that he is actually imposed upon and he must 
have his rights. His demands must be acceded 
to and nothing short of this will satisfy him. 

But his employers with due regard for his 
feelings, who seemingly understand his situation 



IMMIGRATION. 71 

better than he, again make proper explanation 
as to why it would be impossible to comply with 
his demands. But without exercising the proper 
faculties in regard to the injustice of his de- 
mands, but with force, which he believes must 
win, he strikes. 

The employers regret very much the action 
this new man has taken in the matter, and see- 
ing the need of their business being carried on 
promptly, they even make concessions to him, 
to again resume his work, but they are abruptly 
refused, and he still demands in full, more pay 
and fewer hours, and must have everything ac- 
ceeded in full as demanded. 

Having thus failed to make terms with him 
their only way out of the trouble as they see, is 
to employ another to take the place, which they 
do with hopes that everything will again move 
along smoothly. 

But, to their great astonishment when the 
man just employed arrives to take the position, 
the striker says, no, he shall not take my posi- 
tion; and, no kind of reasoning avails any good, 
for by force the striker keeps the new man from 
taking the place. 

Another trial is made but to no better results, 
as the striker is determined by force to gain his 
demands. 

This situation of affairs continues until it be- 
comes unbearable to the employers, and they 



72 IMMIGRATION. 

find it necessary to call the law to their assis- 
tance. 

This enrages the striker, because the idea of 
having such a thing as law in a free country, is 
something beyond his comprehension. He has 
by this time become thoroughly enraged, and in 
fact, he has become a demon in his desperation 
to gain what he has demanded. 

He is ready to do almost any act of violence, 
and it may be, has even applied the torch, or 
used dynamite with disastrous results, until by 
main force the law takes him in hand, and he 
has at last been placed behind the bars, await- 
ing a hearing in regard to the crimes he has com- 
mitted. 

The day has been set for a trial, witnesses 
have been examined, pleadings have been made, 
and the decision of the court has been rendered. 

The result is, he has a term to serve in the 
state penitentiary, which soon begins; and again, 
all appears to be passing along all right, as jus- 
tice has asserted herself in defense of law and 
order. 

The associates, though, of this criminal begin 
a plea that he is unjustly imprisoned, and they 
set to work with petition in hand for signatures, 
praying to have the sentence revoked. 

They work with their utmost zeal to obtain 
this end and finally have all the necessary pa- 
pers laid before the governor of the state in 



IMMIGRATION. 73 

which such acts of violence were committed, and 
where justice was rendered by the court. 

Is it possible with such an array of papers to 
defeat justice, that this high tribunal will take 
notice of them, and release one who so justly de- 
serves the punishment inflicted upon him by the 
court for crimes commited? 

Let us see, it is possible that this very gov- 
ernor before whom these papers were placed for 
action, to release one of the most dangerous of 
criminals to our public institutions, is in like 
sympathy with the whole movement; and, he 
too may have been born in a foreign land, under 
circumstances, making him an equal to the crim- 
inal, as far as views are entertained by him re- 
lating to such matters; or, if not by birth a for- 
eign born citizen, it is possible that he descends 
from parents so closely allied to foreign affillia- 
tions, as not to be a proper person to decide such 
cases as the one here brought forth, justly, under 
the true meaning of the law of our land. 

Yes, it is learned that a pardon has been 
granted, and the criminal, so termed by the 
court, is to be released from serving his full term 
in the penitentiary. 

What a victory for anarchy ! But, what a 
defeat for law, order and good government ! 

Is this to continue, and if so, will not our 
American institutions, soon be institutions of the 
past? Is it not utterly impossible for them to 



74 IMMIGRATION. 

survive such reckless, such unprincipled, and 
such un-American decisions as this, by one of 
the highest officers in our country — the governor 
of a state? Will not our courts, the highest tri- 
bunals of justice, soon be unable to avail any 
good by their decisions, if such a state of affairs 
continues in this pardoning power vested in this 
office? 

We entrust this though, to the better judg- 
ment of the American people, who will learn 
that to tolerate such infamous proceedings, as 
justifying a criminal in crimes committed, by 
being released from imprisonment, simply places 
the crime, in a way as it would appear, upon the 
court; for under the law, a court would not have 
any right to sentence a man to imprisonment, 
unless he had committed a crime, demanding 
such a sentence. 

Thus it would appear by such a decision a of 
governor, it would be the court, and not the 
striker, who by the court was considered the 
criminal, but the court itself. 

Is this not a wretched state of affairs, for our 
country, and its interests, when it becomes pos- 
sible for that element, which is a decided foe to 
our institutions, to have such power as to reverse 
our American laws and court decisions, so as to 
liberate the criminal, and by such an act, cen- 
suring the court rendering just decisions? 

It is sincerely hoped that the American peo- 



IMMIGRATION. 75 

pie will not tolerate such infamous proceedings, 
for any longer period, than it requires to enact 
laws to remedy this; that is, if it is even neces- 
sary to lessen the pardoning power now vested 
in the office of governor. 

After the release of a criminal of this kind, 
there usually follows a great jubilee among that 
element, which in view is anarchistic, and op- 
posed to law and order. 

It may be that the criminal released, will 
spend much time lecturing among the people of 
his kind, thus teaching them, as he terms it, the 
great injustice to freedom, in this free and liberty 
loving country. 

By being liberated and thus advocating his 
cause, simply sows the seeds of discontent, and 
un-Americanism to bring forth a greater harvest 
to be reaped by anarchy for its benefit, to the 
great disadvantage of our institutions. 

But, this certainly cannot last very long, as 
was shown by the results of the balloting at the 
last presidential election; as the truly American 
element, regardless of party lines, and which 
heretofore may have been somewhat lenient, will 
see the great necessity of striking a death-blow 
to such an infamous institution. 

Are not such proceedings a decidedly bad 
state of affairs for our country, and cannot many 
instances be recalled to fully substantiate this? 

By recalling in our minds, the events of the 



76 IMMIGRATION. 

past few years, cannot we note many instances 
in which the crimes committed by such desperate 
characters, were truly in themselves rebellion, 
and this, against our government? 

There is enough of the actual, without drawing 
upon the imagianary, to show us that a terrible 
state of affairs exist in our country, even at the 
present time. 

Why is it so? Is it not in a great part, be- 
cause we have neglected to stop by legislation, 
the great flow of this undesirable element from 
foreign lands to our shores? And we, through 
this neglect, have installed among us, that 
which is entirely foreign? And, which does not 
belong to us, and when in power simply deals 
out death blows to our- institutions? 

Have we not learned that the decisions of our 
courts can be reversed by governors of states, 
who are in sympathy with such un-American 
movements? 

Of what value will our court decisions be in 
time under the decisions of anarchistic governors 
unless the people, also, in time, require a modifi- 
cation of such pardoning power? 

In view of these facts what have we instituted 
by tariff legislation, unsupported by proper im- 
migration laws? 

First, there were established better rewards 
for labor; this increased immigration, which is a 
decided disadvantage to us. 



IMMIGRATION. 77 

Second, instead of it benefitting us as a peo- 
ple, fully, as intended, we have in our midst an 
undesirable foreign element, which has been ben- 
efitted by it, to the detriment of our honest 
American labor, and through this neglect we 
have injured those we intended to benefit. 

Third, we have established in our country to 
a great degree anarchy and other un-American 
principles, endangering our institutions and our 
general government. 

Is it not time to study this immigration 
question thoroughly, and most heroically enact 
a proper law and most effectually apply it, so 
that this undesirable element may be kept out 
of our country? Do we wish our homes dese- 
crated by such an injustice being perpetrated 
upon us by admitting such an element to our 
shores? Should not the American spirit be 
aroused to its fullest extent in looking after the 
welfare of our homes ? 

Is it not time to act, and the way to act, is 
for the people to impress this important duty, as 
well as others, upon the minds of our Represen- 
tatives, as well as, our senators in Congress? 
And, if they fail to enact proper laws, then, at 
the expiration of the terms of office of all such 
unmindful, or as it may be termed, offending leg- 
islators, put men in their places, who are known to 
advocate true American principles, and will act 
accordingly? 



78 IMMIGRATION. 

Is this not the time to act, when the party of 
progress is going into power, and have such legis- 
lation put into force that will make it impossible 
for the experience of the past few years, and of 
the late presidential campaign to be re-enacted? 
Is this not the time to strike the death-blow in 
reality to anarchy and like principles, which of 
late years have endangered our institutions? 
and, in their stead, establish true American prin- 
ciples, in every line of action relating to our gov- 
ernment? 

There is another question, one of much im- 
portance to us, that should be fully considered by 
us, it is this : Have you ever given proper thought, 
as to the very poor chances, the young men, the 
sons of our homes, have in getting a start in life 
with such odds against them ? Do not they 
of all, during their young lives, need encourage- 
ment, and a proper chance, even in their home 
country to start new homes as the old pass 
away? Are they to be left alone to shift and 
care for themselves among this reckless, anar- 
chistic element? Can they under such trying 
circumstances be the honest, strong, industrious 
and intelligent men that will be needed to look 
after the welfare of this great nation? Should 
not they of all new comers upon life's broad field 
of battle be the first to be protected? But, is 
this true? No, they are more than unequally 
affected. With even those who have stood the 



IMMIGRATION. 

storms of life's battle for the many years they 
have been called upon to perform their part in the 
great struggle and when these young men look 
upon this broad expanse of such a dismal scene 
they falter, and in amazement stand aghast, 
wondering how they in their inexperienced posi- 
tions can expect to battle successfully such giant 
foes. 

Upon this review of their future prospects 
disappointment takes the place of the once bright 
hopes of success. 

They struggle, though, heroically, against 
such odds, until late in the strife their moral, 
physical and intellectual forces begin to break, 
as nothing but disappointment after disappoint- 
ment follows in quick succession each fond hope 
entertained for bettering life's struggle. 

It may be that success has partially rewarded 
them for their work performed, but not in that 
form that truly builds up, but that which rather 
depresses that full sturdy manhood that is needed 
to achieve the best results in carrying on the 
great industries of our land. 

Therefore, there should be no delay in mat- 
ters legislative relating to this immigration, 
which is one of the most important questions to 
the American people. 

We have now waited too long without action 
upon this important question, as we have among 
us an element that, with its forces fully enrolled 



80 IMMIGRATION. 

is a power at the polls, and it is possible with 
its combined support, carrying the balance of 
power as it does in many instances, to dictate to 
us in regard to legislation. 

The true American element, though, we trust 
will be always as it was in the presidential election 
just past, on the right side when questions come 
up which in themselves are dangerous and antag- 
onistic to the welfare of government through the 
support of this element. 

But this should not be depended upon to 
offset the wrongs that exist, but legislation 
should be enacted to remedy this evil, so that 
prosperity may be with us, and the people en- 
couraged to do and care for themselves by build- 
ing homes, educating their children andimprove- 
ing every opportunity for their advancement in 
life. 

When we have this state of affairs fully es- 
tablished in place of anarchy, then we will have 
better government and a more enlightened peo- 
ple to deal with the great questions which so 
affect us as a people, and which will be a just 
reward for honest government. 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

A true government banking system a relief from misery and 
pauperism, caused by the unscrupulous uses of capital* 

THIS may be a new subject, politically, to 
many people, as it has not been, so far, an 
issue during the great presidential campaign, and 
therefore, it is not as familiar a subject as either 
the tariff, money, or even that of immigration. 
But, it is one of great importance to us, as will 
be learned in naming the benefits that will be 
gained in establishing such a system. 

Has it ever occurred to you what the estab- 
lishing of a government banking system means?" 
Or, have you ever given it a thought as to what 
it would prohibit, and what it would establish, 
in advancing the interests of the people, gener- 
ally, in financial matters? 

If not, then let us study this question care- 
fully and learn the evils it will eradicate, as well 
as, also, the good it will promote in financial cir- 
cles, peculiar to the interests of the great mass of 
people whom it is desired to benefit. 

The term, individual banks, including both 
national and others, will be treated in this chap- 
ter, as well as others, where mentioned, as indi- 

81 



82 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

vidual banks of the present banking systems. 
They are named in this way so as to designate 
them more readily from the government system 
it is desired to explain and to advocate as a 
proper one, to be used in connection with the 
present systems of banking; also, they are men- 
tioned as individual banks for the reason that 
each act individually of the other, even under 
the same system, while in the proposed new sys- 
tem they each form a part of one grand system, 
controlled fully and only by the government. 

A government banking system, as herein con- 
sidered, means the establishing by the govern- 
ment at convenient places in different parts of 
the country, a system of banking, similar to the 
present individual systems, now in use by banks 
generally, as far as deposits and withdrawals are 
concerned, giving an opportunity to persons of 
small, as well as to those of greater means, to 
place their savings, or their spare money, where 
it will be perfectly safe for them, from loss in 
ways peculiar, to the present individual banking 
systems. 

The money deposited in such banks would be 
used by the government to pay off bonds and 
other obligations as they become due, as well as 
to be used in defraying current expenses, when 
the receipts from tariff, revenue, and from other 
sources fall short of paying expenses; and, to be 
used in purchasing such properties, which in the 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 83 

very nature of themselves, will greatly benefit 
both the people and government to possess. 

Banks of this description in large cities, 
could be located at the government buildings of 
such cities; and in the larger cities, branches 
could be established in the same manner, that 
branch offices are now established by the govern- 
ment postal department, so as to conveniently 
transact the business relating to this great in- 
stitution. 

In cities and towns where no government 
buildings have been erected for the transaction 
of government business, such banks could be lo- 
cated at the postoffice of such places; or, if this 
should not prove convenient, they could be lo- 
cated in close proximity to them, so as to ena- 
ble the citizens to conveniently transact business 
with such banks, as well as for them to receive 
the benefits of such a system of banking. 

It is possible to extend this system, and in 
justice to all it should be extended, in time, so as 
to include every postoffice in the land, even the 
most remote, if the people at such points wish to 
receive the benefit of such an institution. 

To adopt and to extend this banking system 
in time so as to include all points would give to 
the people of the country, as well as those of the 
cities, a perfectly safe place for their savings, 
whether such savings were small or otherwise, 
and at the same time it would be the means of 



84 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

providing money for the use of the government in 
carrying on the great business transacted by it. 

All deposits should be made to bear a low rate 
of interest, and free from taxes ; the interest to be 
calculated on semi-annual or yearly balances, 
under such rules and regulations that would 
fully protect the government from improper pe- 
riodical balances, and then credit the interest so 
calculated to the many different accounts at 
the different banking institutions of the kind, 
which would be located at points embracing 
every portion of our land. 

A system of banking of this kind would be a 
great inducement to people of small means, and 
just the very people who should be encouraged 
to save in part their earnings, and encouraged to 
make an effort to have an account and receive 
the benefits that would be derived from this sys- 
tem. The interest, though small, would add a 
little to their accounts, and, at the same time, 
would be an encouragement to make greater 
efforts to save money and enlarge the credit 
balances. 

The question may be asked, what is the need 
of this banking system, and why not continue 
the patronage of the systems in vogue? 

The principal reasons are, as have been stated, 
that the people need a perfectly safe place for 
their money, one different in this respect from 
the present individual banking system; one that 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 85 

will protect fully the savings of the poor and 
middle classes as well as the money of the great 
capitalists, who are now so well protected in 
their government bond investments; one that 
will use the people's money to buy such proper- 
ties, that are of peculiar interest to them as a 
people, and which should be under government 
control to benefit the people. 

If we have this system in connection with 
the individual systems, and the individual serves 
you best, they will be the ones for you to patron- 
ize, but if the government institution suits you 
best, then that would be the better one for you 
to patronize. 

The government system would furnish enough 
money in time, so as to stop the issuing of bonds, 
which now are purchased by large capital only, 
or mostly, direct from the government; when the 
people should have an opportunity to invest 
their earnings in such matters in connection 
with large capital. 

To have such a system, would insure safety 
to depositors, and there would not be the least 
anxiety entertained by them, for fear of the 
bank failing; or, of some officer or employee 
running away- with their money, as is often the 
case now in individual banking. 

If any money should be taken from any gov- 
ernment banking institution, the government 
would collect from the sureties on the bond of 



86 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

the fraudulent employee the full amount taken, 
so there would not be any loss even to the gov- 
ernment, let alone the depositors. 

Even if the government should fail to collect 
from the sureties the amount of money taken, it 
is not supposed that the depositors would bear 
the loss, individually, any more than any one 
would now, who would go to any post-office 
where money orders are issued, and get a money 
order; and, soon after this order had been issued 
it was learned that the money deposited for the 
order had been stolen. 

In such a case, the loss would not be on the 
money order issued, as this order would be worth 
as many dollars in gold or other standard 
money, as represented by its face, and marginal 
numbers. 

It is clearly seen that the money order is 
fully protected, and it certainly would be the 
same to depositors in government banks if es- 
tablished. 

We may rest assured, though, that the govern- 
ment would be just as fully protected also, as it 
does not permit of any chances of value getting 
away from it. Some one is always held respon- 
sible by heavy bonds, with proper sureties, to se- 
cure itself against losses, and besides, if the ap- 
plicants for positions of trust are not able to give 
good and sufficient bond they will not secure the 
positions desired. 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 87 

An issue of a government bank order or 
draft, under the new system at one place, would 
be recognized as correct and proper to pay at the 
bank on which it was drawn at another place. 

It would not make any difference in what 
part of the country or how far apart the banks 
were located from each other, the paper drawn 
would be honored. 

The proper statement of the issuing bank to 
the one on which the order is drawn, in connec- 
tion with the general form of the order presented 
for payment, would fully establish the validity of 
the paper and it would be paid upon the identity 
of the payee; and, there would be no question as 
to the standing of either of the banks, as each 
would be under government control, and belong 
to the people; also, one's identity would much 
more easily be established, especially so when 
traveling; as the banks would most likely be 
located in the same buildings in which the post 
offices are located, or in close proximity to such 
offices, if not in the same buildings; the postman 
would of necessity know him personally by deliv- 
ering of mail, or through the statement of the 
proprietor of the hotel where stopping he could 
identify him. 

It would be necessary, though, to establish 
such rules in regard to this matter that would 
fully protect the government against fraudulent 
schemes to obtain money even on such bank orders. 



88 GOVERNMENT {BANKING. 

We need not worry about this though, as the 
government is now doing a great postal money 
order business to the satisfaction of the people, 
and such rules for the identity of the holders of 
such bank orders could be established that is 
now in use by the postal department. 

But is a person always fully secured in indi- 
vidual bank drafts? 

It is believed that many people could say no, 
and say it from actual experience. 

Have you ever presented drafts for payment 
at banks other than those upon which they were 
drawn, and, it may have been, located many 
miles from home and place of issue, during peri- 
ods of mistrust among banks, which are more 
commonly known as period* when the money 
question was in a doubtful state, and then have 
learned what it means to get money on drafts that 
you supposed when they were issued to you were 
as good as gold? 

If not, then you cannot fully realize the dis- 
advantages in which one is placed when depend- 
ing upon these drafts entirely for money; 

It may have been that the cash on hand was 
getting very low, and it was necessary to have it 
reimbursed to keep expenses paid in full; and, 
it is at such a time one is again put to thinking 
in regard to a better and more perfect system in 
financial ways as to protection against the un- 
certainties of the individual banking systems. 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 89 

For, in the instance of trying to have a draft 
cashed, and besides it may be, have heavy 
charges attached if cashed, or, if not cashed, to 
know that the bank on which the draft was 
drawn is doubtful, and you are left anxious to 
know whether or not you will ever receive the 
money that you paid for the draft, are not very 
encouraging indeed, to people who depend upon 
this system of supposed protection, in either 
traveling, or in business transactions. 

Can we recall one single instance in which a 
postal money order was not paid when presented 
by the proper party, and such party was duly 
identified as the proper person to whom such 
order should be paid? Is not such an order 
considered as good as gold at all times? 

Is not a postal money order preferable to a 
bank draft as far as perfect security is concerned? 
Even during times when money matters are 
considered doubtful, is not the postal money 
order considered perfectly safe and far prefer- 
able to a bank draft, as far as safety is concerned? 
Is not this security in itself, one good reason 
why a government banking system would be far 
preferable to the present individual systems? 

Again, under the government banking system, 
during periods of financial troubles among indi- 
vidual banks, and which of necessity would be 
unknown under a government system, or much 
less frequent than at present, instead of the peo- 



90 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

pie drawing their money out of bank, it would 
certainly be the means of strengthening the gov- 
ernment system, as there would be a feeling of 
safety in regard to such an institution, that would 
cause greater deposits to be made in such banks, 
which would be at the expense of the individual 
banking system. But, should we stop at this, if 
the individual systems are wrong ? Should we 
deprive the millions of people of perfect security 
and proper investments, in order to benefit a few, 
who even through some scheming investments, 
may deprive the people of getting back money 
entrusted to their care ? 

It is not intended to convey the idea here that 
bankers as a class are considered dishonest, not 
by any means, but what is meant is this, under 
the present systems dishonest people who may be 
connected with banks have opportunities to in- 
jure the people financially in ways that under a 
true government system could not be practiced. 
It is the systems and not the bankers, being dealt 
with in this work. 

After all, are not the financial troubles we 
experience, due to the banking systems now in 
vogue ? 

That is, if the people through mistrust with- 
draw their deposits, leaving the banks without 
money, that it is the banks and not the people 
who are so much affected by financial depres- 
sions? 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 91 

That, by this or through this mistrust, the 
very institutions which the people have de- 
pended upon as safe places for their money, have 
it frequently proven to them that, to a great ex- 
tent, they are the opposite of safety? 

Also, that there is fully as much money in 
the country during such depressions, as there is 
during prosperous times? But, through mis- 
trust, it is withdrawn from the banks, thus leav- 
ing their vaults empty? The money being 
placed in safety vaults and other hiding places, 
and thus withdrawn from circulation, which, as 
it appears to business, makes money very scarce, 
when in reality it is not scarce, but simply in a 
place of hiding? 

Then if the present banking systems are not 
able to protect themselves against mistrust of the 
people and prevent demoralization in business, 
due to such mistrusts, is it not time to improve 
upon this system by establishing a better one? 

Do you think that the people would mistrust 
a government banking system so as to cause 
such depressions? But instead, would they not 
rush to such institutions with their money when 
doubt existed in regard to individual institutions? 
Are not these questions worth considering, and 
worth considering well, for the interest of the 
people? 

Again in regard to the uncertainties of the 
individual banking systems, if a considerable 



92 GOVERNMENT BANKTNG. 

amount of money is stolen from any bank it 
may be impossible for the officers of such a bank 
to replace it, for the reason that all or mostly all 
their own money was taken as well as the money 
of the depositors. The result would be that the 
depositors must bear the loss, as there would be 
no source from which it could be obtained, as the 
paper held by such bank could not be realized 
upon in full, therefore it would be insufficient to 
make settlement in full and satisfactory to all. 

Again, in individual banking such business 
transactions may be indulged in by the officers 
as a matter of speculation with the people's 
money, that may prove a loss to the bank, in- 
stead of much profit as was anticipated; then as 
before, when the money was stolen, the loss must 
be borne by the individual depositors. 

Is it any wonder that the people mistrust the 
present banking systems, and as a consequence 
they are rather shy in placing their hard-earned 
savings in such institutions to be used by others 
in matters of speculation, and it may be lose all, 
either in this way or in being stolen from the 
bank? Are not these the principal ways in 
which the people's money is lost in these institu- 
tions? And is there not considerable money 
lost to the people every year? 

In many instances the banks even refuse to 
allow interest on deposits, but expect the people 
to leave their money with them for their use and 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 93 

receive no return at all, even with the possibility 
of not receiving back the amount deposited. 

Are such conditions of banking very encour- 
aging to the people generally, let alone those of 
small means, who need in time every dollar 
saved by them, when health and strength, with 
reasonably prosperous surroundings, gave them 
a little more money than they needed at that 
time, but which is to be used when age has de- 
prived them of the opportunities to hold their 
own with the younger and stronger element com- 
ing on to take their places in life? 

Would not the establishing of a grand bank- 
ing system by the government be joyful news to 
the millions of people who constitute our gov- 
ernment? And also, that it would be everlast- 
ingly appreciated by them, generally, during all 
time, or as long as our government establishes 
this, as well as like beneficial systems in other 
matters that will truly benefit all the people? 

In establishing this system of banking, in- 
stead of its being necessary for the government to 
go to great capitalists, and to foreign great capi- 
talists to get money on the issue of bonds, there 
will be in time plenty of money at the command 
of the government, collected from its seventy or 
more millions of people. This money would 
come from every portion of our country, and in 
many instances would save even now the issue of 
bonds if such a system were established, because, 



94 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

through this system the government would have 
the people's money to use, and the immense cap- 
italists would then take their chances with the 
people in investing their money, as they would 
be required to invest through the same system if 
they wish to receive the benefits of government 
security. 

What would this mean? It would mean 
that every individual of small or moderate capi- 
tal would have the same opportunities to invest 
his individual capital through this banking sys- 
tem, and each would receive in a proportionate 
degree to the amounts so deposited the same ben- 
efits that are now received by millionaire capital- 
ists. And, besides this, every citizen, if he so 
wished, could through this system of banking be 
the means of helping to stop the enormous flow 
of money from great capitalists to the govern- 
ment for the use of government at the expense of 
the people. 

It is just as necessary for the welfare of the 
people of our country to have means provided for 
the use of their savings as it is to have a protec- 
tive tariff. 

The one is a protection of the people's indi- 
vidual small capital against accumulated great 
capital improperly used; the other is a protec- 
tion to the remunerative reward to labor, as es- 
tablished by our government against the almost 
pauper-paid labor of other governments. 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 95 

When we are able to accomplish this in re- 
gard to capital, and to divert the flow of money 
commonly known as profits, derived from such 
kind of business which, in their very natures 
properly belong to the people, to a common 
money center for the benefit of all, being the 
earnings of capital furnished by the people in- 
stead of capital furnished by individual great 
capitalists, then we will have accomplished a 
great good for the welfare of our people. 

When great sums of money are borrowed by 
the government from a few great capitalists, it 
must in time be paid back with interest. If it is 
profitable for this great capital to be so invested, 
why should it not be just as profitable to the 
people to invest their individual small capital 
and receive the interest in proportion to the 
amount deposited, that is now paid to individual 
great capital? 

In either event, from whom is the money col- 
lected to pay interest, and in time, the principal? 

Is it not collected from the many millions of 
people in the ways of necessary revenues and 
customs duties levied and collected on such ar- 
ticles coming under these schedules, and which 
are on such articles that the people use? 

Are not the revenues and duties added to 
the cost of production of an article to get the 
selling price, and the people pay such in this 
way, when purchasing such articles for use? 



96 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

By turning the accumulated profits of such 
kinds of business that are of peculiar interest to 
the people, and when derived from capital pro- 
vided by the people, into a common treasury for 
distribution to the people as interest on money 
deposited, will this not be so much money saved 
to help pay the great expenses of government 
through the necessary revenues and duties? And 
which the people are required to pay, whether or 
not they receive any benefits from the govern- 
ment? 

Then we may ask, when individual great cap- 
ital is invested for government use, whom does 
it benefit? 

Is it not the few only, who possess such cap- 
ital, and not the millions of people who would 
be benefitted, in the event that capital in a great 
part is provided by the people? And, is it not 
rather a one-sided affair when individual great 
capital is invested, to be paid in time by the 
people, when the people have no share in its 
profits? 

If the people are permitted to furnish money 
for government use, instead of letting accumu- 
lated capital furnish it, wholly, at the expense of 
the people, then the interest paid to the people 
in such events will come from the same source 
as it does now, and which is now paid to a few 
great capitalists, but instead of it being paid in 
bulk to a few, it would be paid in small amounts 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 97 

to millions of grateful people, and, in fact the 
very people who are required to pay the govern- 
ment debts in either event. 

Under the present system of getting money, 
for the government, people with small means, as 
well as those of considerable wealth, have no 
chance whatever in buying government bonds 
direct, or having their money invested for the 
use of government, just for the very reason that 
men with great capital make such offers to the 
government for the whole or a great part of an 
issue, that the people with moderate means would 
not be noticed in the transaction. 

Is it not right and proper to help the millions 
of people to secure their savings, when it means 
so much to them? Would not this banking sys- 
tem be as much of a protection to the millions of 
people and as much a needed protection against 
the wrongs of accumulated capital, as the tariff 
in its way is a protection to our people against 
the products of cheap labor? Have we not 
learned that tariff duties are a great necessity for 
the welfare of our people? Then is not this bank- 
ing system just as much of a necessity in its way 
to protect the people against the money powers 
of the world? 

Is it not a known fact that a man in business 
with his own capital can do much better than 
one in business on borrowed capital? Then, 
would not the same be true of the people in gov- 



98 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

ernment matters with their own capital invested, 
instead of having immense individual capital 
invested for their use in such affairs? 

If the people will study this subject as well 
and as thoroughly as they have the tariff laws 
they will learn this is another source of great 
loss to them, and one which has been sadly neg- 
lected to the detriment of the people, but through 
such it has greatly benefitted the great money 
powers. 

It is desired to learn the principal evils that 
beset us on all sides financially, and for this 
reason it will be necessary to treat of each sub- 
ject in its true light, regardless of party lines 
and individual interests, when a law exists that 
benefits the few to the injury of the many. It 
will be noticed that in laws which favor a few, it 
is that class which controls the money interests. 

We must, if we expect to have true prosperity, 
make thorough study of all questions that affect 
the great mass of people. This is a moral obliga- 
tion required of us, to make such studies that are 
necessary of all questions relating to the welfare 
of the people and to work for the interests of all, 
and not for the interests of the few against the 
interests of the many. 

Is it not a detriment to our nation to have 
great distress among us on account of the pov- 
erty that at times almost beggars description? 
Is there not plenty around us and great wealth 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 99 

stored in close proximity to such poverty? Does 
not the greatest poverty exist where the greatest 
fortunes are enmassed? That the greater the 
fortunes and the greater the number of them, the 
greater the distress among the people generally 
on account of the need of the most common ne- 
cessities of life? 

Is it not known that the opposite of distress 
exists in communities where there are no pre- 
tenses to great individual wealth, but where the 
people are known as well-to-do people? 

In communities of this kind the people are 
more generous and are less grasping to get the 
mighty dollar even at the cost of the comforts of 
home, from some poor creature who is not able 
to defend himself against the outrageous prac- 
tices which are more common among the money 
powers. 

Are the moneyed people a favored class, that 
the millions of people should bear such unjust 
treatment, to build up and make even greater 
fortunes for them? So that they and their chil- 
dren may live in luxury and idleness to the dis- 
advantage and to the great injury of the great 
mass of people? 

Right is right in all things, and should and 
must prevail if the people are permitted to en- 
joy the comforts of life against this mighty 
money grabbing power. 

A country or nation contains only so much 



100 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

wealth, and when this wealth, with the natural 
increase accruing as profits, is gradually flow- 
ing to a few who control the great money power, 
and it is collected by them to swell these im- 
mense fortunes to still greater ones, is it not 
time that the people make a thorough study of 
these great questions with a view to bettering 
their condition? 

When the people become poor through such 
great accumulations of wealth by the few, they 
are looked upon as miserable, worthless creatures, 
deserving the sympathy of no one. 

But, it may be asked, is there not great chari- 
table work done by those in possession of great 
wealth? Suppose there is; the total amount of 
all their gifts would only be a pittance as com- 
pared to the great wealth they possess, and the 
suffering caused by the accumulation of such 
wealth. 

Even if charitable acts are performed, do we 
wish to substitute this charity for that which we 
should possess, prosperity? Do we wish the people 
to become the miserable subjects of capital, instead 
of being a free, independent and prosperous peo- 
ple, intelligent in their views in casting their votes 
for the true interests of all the people? 

As to the charitable acts being performed, if 
it was only known what prompted such gifts, 
and from what unfavorable sources regarding 
the interests of humanity such great wealth in 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 101 

many instances had been collected, and this 
could be shown up in its true light in connection 
with the charitable acts performed, it might re- 
late stories of unquestionable suffering for which 
this small pittance may have been given, more 
as a relief to conscience stricken individuals 
than as true acts of charity to benefit a poverty 
stricken people. 

Against the great evils of unmerciful capital 
we should work industriously to relieve the 
wanton misery caused by such laws that favor 
large capital against the interests of the people, 
so that matters financially may be more favora- 
bly adjusted for the benefit of the many, and not 
for the few principally, or, in other words, that 
all the people may be put on a more equal basis 
than at present exists regarding financial 
methods. 

It is not to be understood, though, that cap- 
ital is to be injured in the least, but far from 
this. It is intended to look forward to such 
legislative acts that should be, that will protect 
honest capital against the unscrupulous methods 
of a few in number as compared to the whole 
number of people. 

Capitalists should have the privilege to invest 
their money in any legitimate business they will 
carry on in a business like way; but, when 
they step beyond the bounds of business pro- 
priety to the injury of others, then it is when 



102 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

capital is doing a wrong, and it should be 
stopped. 

Proper investments and proper methods will 
not injure any one even when large capital is in- 
vested. But, when it is unscrupulously and un- 
mercifully invested, then it should be considered 
a crime and the law should take it in hand, to 
save the people from the perils that usually fol- 
low such transactions. 

Real harm exists through the plotting and 
grasping of capital to control in part or wholly 
any commodity in the markets to its personal 
gain, to the great disadvantage of the millions of 
people who may have to depend upon this com- 
modity in part for sustenance, as it may be an 
every day article of food. Such uses of capital 
should be considered a great crime, and should 
be punished accordingly. 

But, is this done satisfactorily to the people? 
Not by any means, because such illy gotten 
treasures are often used to influence legislation to 
shield such transactions, thus making the crime 
doubly worse. 

As before stated, it must not be understood 
that capital is to be injured, as this would 
not be right; it is necessary to have capital 
to carry on the different pursuits in business; 
and, so as to give employment to those who 
are not so favorably blessed with this world's 
goods. 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 103 

Capital properly invested is a great 'blessing, 
and we should look upon it justly invested as a 
means of success and prosperity in all commun- 
ities where it is so invested. 

To remedy the evils when not justly invested 
we should study carefully the needs of the 
people, and legislate in the interests of all; and 
besides, educate the people, and advance them 
practically as well as theoretically in the inter- 
ests of good government. By doing this, it will 
be the means of helping to put a stop to strikes 
and like disorders, when, also, our immigation 
laws are such that will cut off from our shores 
the disturbing elements. 

Too frequently, when trouble exists between 
capital and labor, it results in strikes as both 
sides are firmly set in their supposed rights and 
will not yield. The results we all well know, 
and we regret at any time to learn of such being 
declared; even when terms are afterwards made 
to the satisfaction of all, apparently, leaving out 
the account of loss of property and it may be, 
loss of life, there still remains a bitterness of 
feeling that requires much time to fully eradi- 
cate. 

By studying such questions in their true light 
we certainly can see that a government banking 
system with government ownership of the gieat 
traffic and other lines, will greatly benefit the 
millions of people, that now need the govern- 



104 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

ment's aid to make times truly prosperous for 
them. 

The government banking system would lessen 
the business of the present banking systems and 
cheapen greatly the government system over the 
present ones by cutting off all large salaries and 
unjust profits. For under a government system 
the employees would receive only just but remu- 
nerative salaries for duties performed, and the 
people only just interest on deposits. 

What if it does lessen the business of the in- 
dividual systems, if we receive a better and a 
much more substantial one instead, and one that 
will benefit the great mass of people. 

Is it not better to enact laws that will benefit 
the millions, the very people who must be looked 
after, and give them every opportunity to invest 
their savings, justly, with reasonably fair profits 
and with that security that cannot be had out- 
side of a government institution ? Would not this 
banking system encourage the people to save 
much money that now goes to improper use? 
This would certainly lead to better ways and 
make a better class of citizens. 

The capitalists may say, oh! what nonsense! 
such foolishness! but, let them be placed in the 
same circumstances of many an honest, hard- 
working man, and have no encouragement as to 
bettering their and family's circumstances, let 
them toil on and on, when labor can be had, or 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 105 

let them idly pass their time away when work 
cannot be found, their wives and children at 
home without the common comforts of life, idling 
their time away, for through the husband and 
father's misfortune they have not the means by 
which they can work to improve the homes, to 
add one cheerful look during such gloomy times, 
but gradually and surely their circumstances 
grow more gloomy as each day passes by until 
not even the most needed common comforts of 
life can be had; now the worst of all comes, that 
needed, but dreaded and most pitying of all cir- 
cumstances, charity, with its degrading in- 
fluences, but bringing temporary relief, looks 
upon you and your family in your miserable 
plight, wondering how it is possible to be re- 
duced to such miserable circumstances; but 
again, look beyond, and there are seen stately 
mansions, vying with each other in gorgeously 
and luxuriantly furnished apartments — these 
stand aloof from such undesirable surroundings, 
but may there be an awakening within to a 
realization of duty that will relieve this wanton 
misery and place the people of our country in 
their true positions as to home, comfort, and 
every privilege and enjoyment due them as 
American citizens. 

Yes, let the capitalists pass through such an 
experience for a few weeks, or it may be best to 
make it a few months, so that they may fully 



106 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 



realize the sufferings, the intense sufferings of 
thousands upon thousands of those who are so 
unfortunate as not to able to successfully take 
care of themselves, especially so when such odds 
are against them. 

If the capitalists could experience the bitter 
wrongs inflicted upon the people they might be 
willing at the expiration of the time allotted to 
them as unfortuate days, to listen to stories of 
want and suffering experienced by so many, and 
learn from this lesson that which has been 
learned to the sorrow of millions, that hunger 
and cold cannot be averted by anything short of 
the very necessities of life; and then they will 
also learn that the necessities should be placed 
within the reach of every human being to be ob- 
tained by honest toil, and not through charity, a 
method most debasing to humanity; for once 
supported by charity lessens the manhood and 
womanhood of the parties so benefitted. For 
this reason, if for no other, it is far better to be 
able to give the proper means by which labor 
can be performed for food or clothing, or for both, 
than to give without price. To give to people as 
subjects of charity creates dependent and help- 
less subjects of such, instead of industrious and 
independent citizens of our country. 

When the necessities are obtained through 
proper labor, this is reassuring that manhood and 
womanhood instead of being lowered and de- 



GOVERNMENT BANKING 107 

based, are truly exemplified in the proud thought 
that independence had won through the very means 
in which it was intended that man's honest pos- 
sessions must be obtained, that is, through hon- 
est toil. 

Immense fortunes improperly used, and 
which were accumulated from sources that de- 
prived the people of what was due them, are det- 
rimental to the people, and legislation should be 
enacted that will remedy the injustices practiced 
in obtaining such fortunes. 

This should not be treated lightly by us, as it 
affects each and every one, our homes, our gen- 
eral prosperity, and our children's opportunities 
in like manner, if this evil remains unchanged, 
thereby permitting this great flow of wealth, 
from the people to such great money centers un- 
abated. 

The change can be made, justly and properly 
through legislation, just as soon as the people 
can realize and understand their positions indi- 
vidually as well as collectively, on account of 
such wrongs. 

We should not tolerate a principle which in 
legislation would deprive the people generally of 
that which is due them as citizens. It is any- 
thing but a credit to a people to know that evils 
exist when they through such evils are placed in 
need of the most common comforts of life. 

Some may say, oh! it is impossible to do any- 



108 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 



thing with such people. They are so helpless, 
so degraded, that they have no ambitions, no de- 
sire for bettering their opportunities, but they 
spend their time idling about, just as you see them. 

This may be true, but what caused it? Was 
it not through unkind treatment and the con- 
tinually lessening of opportunities to better their 
ways, that crushed every fond hope cherished 
by them? 

Let anyone be placed in like circumstances, 
no matter what ambitions may have been enter- 
tained by him, during such a trying ordeal he 
would succumb to the inevitable, however strong 
he may have been, and he would finally be found 
groping his way along the same avenue of dis- 
tress, unconscious of the great change that had 
overtaken him, only in a general way, knowing 
that circumstances are not as favorable to him 
as they were in former days, but really, he does 
not see the great change, the degradation sur- 
rounding him, as he cannot fully realize his true 
condition. 

Should we not try to better such conditions 
by helping to raise people from such degradation, 
encouraging them to take proffered labor, such 
that will give them means by which their 
wants may be supplied? Would this not be far 
better than to deprive them of every means of 
support, and thus causing them to become sub- 
jects of charity? 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 109 

There is another matter, which is usually 
overlooked and passed without attention, which 
is this: Even when employment is steady and 
well paid, each and every person so employed 
should have time for pleasure and recreation. 

The working people need rest and pleasure 
just the same as people in higher stations of life; 
and when such conditions, through legislation if 
need be, can exist, which is certainly due every hon- 
est, industrious, law-abiding citizen, we will have 
acquired a much higher position in our political 
zenith favoring the interests of humanity than 
we have been able heretofore to possess and 
occupy. 

Do you think that such unfavorable condi- 
tions as now exist among us exist without a 
cause? If so this certainly in itself needs atten- 
tion to awaken the thought that sleepeth, and 
which endangers the welfare of a suffering people. 

Under such circumstances does it not appear 
that justice cannot be meted out to us fully until 
we have obliterated every vestige of the stain of 
wrong possible in such cases, just the same as it 
was done during the slavery period? 

Was not the anti-slavery movement met with 
vigorously undue, and in many instances, out- 
rageous treatment simply because in that move- 
ment it was intended to undo the great evils that 
existed at that time through the establishing of 
this slavery cause? Also, because it would in- 



110 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

jure financially many people who were living in 
luxury at the cost of liberty of several millions 
of people? And through loss of liberty a gener- 
ally demoralized state of affairs prevailed among 
this bondaged people. 

Were not many of the best citizens in every 
section of the country in sympathy with this 
most diabolical of all evil institutions in our 
land? Were not many others, while not in sym- 
pathy with slavery, would not lend a helping 
hand because of the trouble it would bring forth 
if 'this inhuman use of human beings as slaves 
was interfered with? Were not many lacking 
in moral courage to help right the wrongs 
that then existed, which so degraded a portion of 
the human race and deprived them of liberty to 
satisfy the avaricious, unthoughtful, and in 
many instances, the most unprincipled beings 
that imagination could bring forth? 

Was not this slavery cause finally overthrown 
and would we now wish it restored? 

Have we not with us now causes of distress to 
contend with, in order to right the existing finan- 
cial evils? But can the people see the evils as 
they exist? Will there not be many lacking in 
moral courage to openly denounce such evils? 
Will not others fear that some might suffer finan- 
cially in their grasping ways, if such evils were 
righted? Do they think of the intense suffering 
of the many, the thousands, the hundreds of 






GOVERNMENT BANKING. Ill 

thousands, who are simply deprived of the com- 
mon necessities of life, that such luxury may be 
enjoyed by the few? 

Many people cannot and will not see the ex- 
isting evils until, like during the slavery period, 
it is forced upon them; and even then it will not 
be acknowledged by them generally as great 
wrongs until after the battle of ballots has won 
the cause for the people, and justice is so fully 
established as to make odious the thoughts of re- 
establishing that which now is generally con- 
ceded as proper and legitimate. 

It is not believed that any people could be 
found who now would wish slavery re-established, 
the very institution which at one time received 
the support of many of the best citizens of our 
country; and, just so it is hoped, that in time 
the people may look back upon history relating 
to the financial trouble of our country and can say 
with pride, that, unprincipled capital, with that 
most inhuman business, slavery, were destined 
through righteous acts of humanity to that per- 
fect destruction which will never permit their 
possessors to occupy again, as such, positions of 
dignified supremacy in our land. 

The questions before us as a people must be 
met in time and most heroically too. There is 
no use to try to discard them now, for if we do 
the evils will only increase in time, and we will 
receive such a rebuke in delaying justice that 



112 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 



was given to that most immoral of all immoral 
institutions, slavery, which was fastening its 
poisonous fangs into the vitals of our common 
but one of the most cherished of our American 
institutions, liberty. 

Do not the questions of the present day direct 
our attention to the same dangers of the past 
encroaching upon us, but from other sources, 
which will cause great strife for supremacy for 
the right if attention is not given them at pres- 
ent? 

If such dangers are not thwarted, will thev 
not in time lead us as a people to positions of 
degradation and will we not become the slaves of 
this unscrupulous and tyrannical money power? 

Let us not hesitate, but let us during the pe- 
riod of the coming presidential term do our duty 
in behalf of one of the noblest causes of human- 
ity that has ever been presented to the American 
people for just consideration, and with the 
power of legislation at hand seek to benefit the 
great mass of people, even those who now feel the 
sting of financial depression. By earnestly pre- 
senting the cause of justice we will make friends 
of those who may now oppose us. 

Can we blame the people much for such bitter 
feelings when such sufferings attend them? 
When the necessities of life are within their 
reach, but cannot be possessed even at the cost of 
labor? 



. 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 113 

Would not anyone if he could not receive the 
necessary supplies to relieve him of such distress, 
and this state of affairs continued from season 
to season, and from year to year, feel that endur- 
ing such privations were more than mortal could 
long endure? 

Look upon this question justly and then act 
heroically in the matter, and we are sure of suc- 
cess in time in such legislative enactments that 
will relieve much of the distress caused by the 
oppressive financial yoke that now so bitterly 
galls the people. 

Again, when capital is so great that it is able 
to buy up governments, as far as the business 
transactions are concerned, it is certainly time to 
cut off the avenues of such great success, turning 
them so that they will bring success to the, people. 

Then in time the issuing of bonds by the gov- 
ernment to be sold to individual great capital 
will be a matter of history, for such bonds will 
not be needed to carry on the great industries of 
the government, any more . than slavery of the 
past is now needed for the purpose for which it 
was instituted. 

Is it not known that during periods of finan- 
cial distress among the money powers of this 
country the government has recognized to a de- 
gree, this distress? But have the people been so 
fortunate as to receive such prompt attention in 
matters affecting them? If such recognition is 



114 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

good for one, should it not be good for the other? 
Are we led to believe that capital is favored? 

It should not be, but through custom the ills 
relating to such have received more prompt at- 
tention than the people in matters relating di- 
rectly to them. It is just as we see it in every- 
day life, people with money receive more atten- 
tion than those without it. 

In the ballot, though, there are no riches. 
We all stand alike and equal in this one thing — 
suffrage — in all law-abiding communities; if it is 
not true with us in any community, it will be 
found to exist where human slavery was once a 
predominating feature of its people, and for this 
reason, among others, let us look to our interests 
as a people, in the great questions now before us. 

If in the establishment and final overthrow 
of that once infamous institution, slavery, we 
see, even at this late period, that those then en- 
slaved but since liberated, have not equal rights, 
as it was intended they should have under the 
law, being the results of ill feeling engendered by 
making equal, the slave to his master, at the 
polls, is it not reasonable to suppose that the 
people will be similarly affected, if the money 
powers ever have an opportunity to so effectually 
fasten its poisonous fangs, as did slavery, into 
the vitals of this common, but now somewhat 
depressed liberty? 

This should not be treated lightly by us, but 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 115 

with our best thoughts let us intelligently battle 
the great evils before it is too late to obtain that 
justly due us by the ballot. 

But we may hear many say that it is neces- 
sary for special attention to be given to capital, 
so that we may have such to carry on the differ- 
ent pursuits of trade. This may be true in the 
illegitimate use of capital; but capital properly 
invested will not need any more attention in leg- 
islation and will not ask for more than is re- 
quired to protect the most humble and depen- 
dent citizen of our country. It is the illegiti- 
mate use that requires such careful attention, 
and it is this and not the legitmate uses that 
should be overthrown in favor of the people. 

Capital that requires such an array of legal 
talent at enormous salaries may, with very reas- 
onable certainty, be judged correctly as capital 
improperly invested, as regards the people's in- 
terests, and conducted through methods unfavor- 
able to the people and not supported by business 
principles, as generally understood by judicious 
capital. 

To establish a government banking system 
would to a great degree overthrow the illegiti- 
mate uses of capital and would give the people a 
chance to furnish in part the needed money to 
carry on the great transactions of government. 
This would eradicate many abuses now practiced 
upon the people. They have no chance now in 



116 GOVERNMENT BANKING. 

money matters relating to the government, ex- 
cept to pay the bills as rendered, which it must 
be said is rather a one-sided affair. 

The people do not receive the benefits they 
should in helping to create means whereby 
such great obligations can be judiciously 
disposed of by the government, and unless 
opportunities are given them to receive such 
benefits through the investment of their money, 
they will in time become so poor they will be 
unable to care for themselves. The advantage 
of capital over the people will deprive them 
of every right due them, unless a change 
is made to give them relief. It will be 
the amassing of immense fortunes by the few 
to the increasing poverty among the many, thus 
making the people the subjects of this tyrannical 
money power and subjects of charity, being de- 
based in principles relating to citizenship to such 
an extent as to look upon gifts from this source 
as proper and due them, instead of being inde- 
pendent and free citizens in every sense of the 
term, obtaining sustenance as the rewards of 
labor from just employment or business tran- 
sacted. 

To make the changes in matters that so af 
fects us, it must be admited, cannot be accom- 
plished in a day nor year, and not even during 
one presidential period; but like the building of 
the navy, or any other great project for the in- 



GOVERNMENT BANKING. 117 

terest or protection of good government, a cer- 
tain amount of work can be laid out to be per- 
formed during a certain period of time, and an- 
other part for another period, until in time there 
will have been wonders accomplished in the way 
of bettering the conditions of the people, and 
bringing about a true state of affairs regarding 
government. 



GOVERNMENT RAILROADS, TEL- 
EGRAPH AND EXPRESS 

Government Ownership of These Properties a 
True means of Investment of the People's 
Money Through a Government Bank- 
ing System, to Induce Frugality 
and thus Lessen the Great Suf- 
fering Among the People, 
Due to Financial Evils. 

IN THIS subject lies a principle just as impor- 
tant to the American people as either of the 
subjects we have reviewed in past chapters. The 
laws are such now that these great properties 
are owned and controlled by comparatively few 
persons, and a great part is owned by capital of 
foreign countries. 

The purchase of the railroads by the govern- 
ment would naturally absorb the interests of tel- 
egraph and express companies, as they traverse 
and are carried over the property of the railroads 
and the government would not lease its proper- 
ties to capital to use in such ways, but would 
transact business of its own in these lines. 

The purchase of the telegraph and express 
companies interests could be made in the same 

118 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 119 

way as would be necessary in the purchase of 
the railroads, as these properties are in reality a 
part of the other, as far as the interests of the 
people are concerned. They are so extensive and 
carry on business of such great importance and 
are so closely allied to the people's interests that 
they through such interests more rightfully belong 
to the people than to individuals representing 
capital. 

When properties are of such magnitude that 
transact business encompassing the boundaries 
of a country, crossing and recrossing its territory 
by means of extending their lines individually 
or through a combination of interests extend 
them over and through the properties of thou- 
sands of individual owners, obtaining such priv- 
ileges either by grant or purchase, they should be 
owned and controlled exclusively for the benefit 
of the people and government. 

The business of these great properties will 
never be transacted by corporations any more 
successfully for the people than corporations 
would carry on the extensive business of the 
present government postal system. We very 
well know that this postal business has been en- 
larged and improved upon from time to time, 
until it has become simply wonderful as to the 
magnitude of the business transacted and the 
degree of perfection in which its every part is 
being adjusted, as well as the extremely low rate 



120 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

charged the people in transacting this business. 

A letter properly addressed and stamped can 
be placed in a government letter box at or near 
one's door, or mailed at the postoffice if living in 
the country, and it will be delivered by the 
postal department at any place to which it is 
addressed within the United States, and even 
Canada, through its postal service, for only two 
cents, charged to defray expenses of such delivery. 

Do you think that any corporation or any 
number of combined corporations would give as 
good and perfect service for anything like the 
exceedingly small amount charged by the gov- 
ernment? 

Not by any means, just for the reason that 
the government is carrying on the business for 
the people and it charges such rates only as will 
defray the expenses of the department. It has 
no desire to collect from the people any more 
money than is necessary to transact this busi- 
ness, and the result is, it carries on this great 
traffic at actual cost, so that the people may de- 
rive from this system the greatest benefits possi- 
ble to be derived from this property under gov- 
ernment control. 

Let us see what constitutes this great govern- 
ment that it performs its work so favorably and 
entirely for the people's interests. Is it not the 
people, after all, transacting their own postal 
business under the name of government, select- 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 121 

ing and employing a sufficient number of intel- 
ligent and honest people from among themselves 
to transact this great business for them, the peo- 
ple paying such employees for services only fair 
but remunerative salaries? Does not this fully 
explain why so much is received for so little ex- 
pense incurred? 

Having considered the great benefits derived 
from the postal system, the business being trans- 
acted by the government for the people, it is de- 
sired to consider now this same business as if it 
were placed in the hands of a corporation or a 
combination of corporations, to be transacted for 
the people, this to be considered simply as a 
matter of comparison only between the two great 
systems, so as to show the great benefits the peo- 
ple derive from the government system over that 
of the corporation. 

Do we not see at once that by this term, cor- 
poration, the business is set apart, and from the 
people, instead of being owned and controlled by 
them? Instead of it being a part of their pos- 
sessions it would be in the hands of a few with 
capital? The transacting of this business would 
be a service performed for the people by this or 
these corporations for the benefit of capital so in- 
vested? And which means, still further, that it 
would benefit the few financially, the very peo- 
ple only who possess the capital invested, at the 
expense of the great mass of people for whom 



122 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

this service would be performed? And capital 
to draw large salaries and dividends for this ser- 
vice? 

Is there not quite a difference in the meaning 
of the terms corporation and government as ap- 
plied to the great postal system? Do you not 
suppose that there would be just as great a 
difference if these terms were applied in the same 
way to the different kinds of business or prop- 
erties that we have under consideration? And 
further, do you suppose the people would be suc- 
cessful in having capital carry a letter for two 
cents to any part of our country, just the same 
that is now being done by the government for 
the people? That capital would transact the 
business of the postal system for the people in a 
manner to defray expenses only, and not look to 
its own reward? No, its own reward would be 
the first thing to be considered, and to be con- 
sidered well, while the welfare of the people 
would be only a secondary matter; and besides 
this the people would be considered the source or 
means through which and by which capital must 
be well rewarded. 

Instead of having a letter carried to any part 
of our country for only two cents, it is possible 
that we might be required to pay four or five 
times this amount, and even much more than 
this if such letters were to be deliverrd at places 
.remote from the civilized portions of our country. 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 123 

Is it not fully understood that the govern- 
ment does not make any extra charges on mail 
matter to be delivered, even to the most remote 
points of our country? And further, that the 
government delivers mail at such points at a cost 
of many dollars for each letter delivered, so the 
people, those sending as well as those receiving 
them, may have the same, as it may be termed, 
free use of the mails? The only difference is the 
deliveries are much less frequent to such points, 
the time extending it may be to periods of several 
weeks between such deliveries, but even these 
infrequent deliveries are made for the especial 
benefit of the people. 

Do you suppose for one moment that capital 
would or could work for the interests of the peo- 
ple so faithfully by sustaining such great losses 
as the government in many such instances? 
Has not the government under one great system 
every advantage over corporations in averaging 
its profits and losses so as to make such favora- 
ble rates? And besides, the government is not 
handicapped by the many extravagant applica- 
tions of its money, as capital is, to benefit itself, 
for the reason that the business is conducted 
solely to benefit the people. 

Do you suppose the salaries of the chief offi- 
cers of such corporations would be anything like 
as reasonable as the salaries of the chief officers 
of the present postal system? And are not the 



124 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

officers of this postal system well paid for the 
services performed by them? Under the man- 
agement of the present postal system are there 
not millions of dollars saved yearly to the people 
by having such a system in vogue, instead of a 
corporation system? 

If this great postal work is performed so ben- 
eficially for the people, why should not much 
greater benefits be derived by them from govern- 
ment ownership and control of the numerous 
railroads, as well as the- great telegraph and ex- 
press lines of the land? These properties, while 
being of so much importance to the people in a 
financial way, would be of the utmost impor- 
tance to the government during periods of riot 
and war, when so much depends upon them as a 
means of transportation and delivering impor- 
tant messages, as required during such disturb- 
ances. 

Is it not pretty generally understood that cap 
ital requires many salaries for itself, but few as pos 
sible and low priced ones to the people who per- 
form the labor for capital? Is this not where 
one of the great savings would be made for the 
people, in salaries paid to capital, when such 
kinds of business as named are brought under 
government control? 

The government pays well for services per- 
formed for the people, but it does not over-pay 
as is the case with capital to itself; but capital 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 125 

does not over-pay labor, for in this it is certainly 
greatly deficient as compared with salaries paid 
to itself. 

In this way of rewarding services performed 
can we not see that the people in a manner be- 
come slaves financially to capital? Is this not a 
dreadful state of affairs to be contemplated, 
when slavery in this form is compared with 
human slavery of years ago, that existed in a 
portion of our country, and we well know the 
dreadful results? And that we can see yet, 
even to this day, the hatred and injustices per- 
petrated against the subjects of that awful 
period in the sections of country where slavery 
existed? 

Would not the same evil disposition be 
shown the people, and it may be shown them 
now in thousands of instances where the people 
assert their rights against the outrages of capital, 
and which no doubt they are perfectly justifiable 
in doing? 

Could not our attention be called to this 
dreadful state of affairs existing in some of the 
old countries at this day, in which the people are 
simply slaves to capital, as well as in reality, 
human slaves in every sense of the word as far 
as justice and liberty to them is concerned? 
Cannot a very bad state of affairs in this respect 
be found in communities of our own country? 
Do we wish to have this continued, and extend 



126 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

the borders of such degradation so as to include 
other communities, and thus grow and spread 
like slavery during its time, until the people are 
almost powerless in the hands of unprincipled 
capital? Not by any means, but we should work 
diligently to overcome the evils now becoming so 
firmly established through the unmerciful meas- 
ures adopted by unscrupulous capital to obtain 
such ends. 

In going back to that point in which anyone 
might suppose that capital would work for the 
interests of the people as the government 
in its efforts to serve the people in the 
postal business, let any person who wishes to 
test this matter do so by sending a package to a 
person located at some remote station along the 
line of some railroad, and then learn what the 
charges would be for delivering such package, or 
let him send a message to be delivered by either 
of the great telegraph companies to someone 
located in a far off or out of the way place along 
its line of business and learn from this whether 
it is transacting its business in a manner that 
would indicate that it is solely for the interests 
of the people or whether it is performing a duty 
for the people, solely for the benefit of capital. 
You may be astonished at the prices charged 
in either case, as they would be very heavy. 

Upon inquiry it will be found also that rates 
on other than competing lines are higher than 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 127 

competing rates, as if it would cost more or less 
to have or not to have some other road or line to 
compete with, when even the established rates on 
competing lines are exorbitant, for the reason 
that capital must be well paid. 

Some people may say that it is necessary to 
have the established rates as now made up, as 
there is not enough travel and traffic to pay for 
the investments. 

But can this be true considering the extrava- 
gant uses of capital to reward itself? Is not 
travel and traffic light simply because the rates 
are so high that it bars out all such, except that 
which is necessary? Would not cheaper rates 
create more business, and much more than 
enough to make up the loss in the present rates? 

Is this not true in all suburban rates estab- 
lished for people living near cities? Are not the 
rates so established in many instances only about 
one-fourth of the regular rates otherwise charged? 
Are not many trains scheduled on roads making 
such reductions, to accomodate the people, that 
under the regular rates would not be necessary? 
If the special rates were not established do you 
suppose that the country for many miles out 
from the cities on such roads would be so nicely 
built up, towns so closely located to each other 
that in many instances only streets serve as di- 
viding lines? 

If such rates have been so beneficial in build- 



128 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

ing suburban villages, would not favorable rates 
established by the railroads for their routes have 
about the same effect in building up the country 
generally? 

Are not excuses as made by corporations re- 
garding charges simply statements to shield cap- 
ital in its selfish desire to get as much money as 
possible from the people for little work performed? 
That it is necessary to collect so much money 
from the people to reward capital, whether such 
services are satisfactory to the people or not? 

If the government should charge eight or ten 
cents for delivering letters instead of the two 
cent rate do you not think there would be but 
very few letters mailed as compared with the 
number now mailed, and not even enough to 
make the collections on postage amount to as 
much as it does at the present time? And be- 
sides, we would not receive as great or extended 
a service as we now receive. 

Is not the cause in regard to travel and 
traffic being light at the present time as com- 
pared to what it might be due principally to the 
fact that the people are barred out of most of the 
benefits they should receive through the exhor- 
bitant prices charged by such companies? 

Do we not see also that capital takes advan- 
tages of the people for its own interests, even 
when it is permitted to extend its properties over 
and through the individual properties of thou- 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 129 

sands of people whom it so excessively charges, 
so as to make the great profits for capital, and 
when there is no competition make still greater 
charges for the benefit of itself. 

Is not the postal system extended to every in- 
habited portion of our land to be used by the 
people, and for the sole benefit of the people, at 
extremely low rates as compared with rates as 
charged by railroads, telegraph and express 
companies. 

Of course we could not expect the individual 
companies to make such low rates as the govern- 
ment could if in possession of such properties, 
and through one great system in each kind of 
property, averaging its rates so as to make a 
slight gain at certain points to offset the great 
losses at other points. We could not expect this 
even if capital should perform its work on the 
most economical basis possible for it to follow. 

Even if we cannot expect such benefits from 
capital it is no reason that the people should be 
deprived of that which is due them, but, instead, 
such changes should be made at the earliest date 
possible, so as to benefit the people. 

We are working for the interests of the great 
mass of people and not for the interests of indi- 
vidual great capital. The sooner we realize the 
injustice to the people, due to improper methods 
established by capital, and the sooner we rectify 
them, just so soon we will be released from the 



130 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

fetters of this financial bondage that, unless 
broken, will in time claim us as just subjects of 
its tyranical power. 

Then should not such injustices be humane 
reasons why we should favor government owner- 
ship and full control of the properties named, so 
the people may be truly benefitted in the use of 
these great properties? 

Would not there be in the event |of govern- 
ment ownership of the properties in question 
such proportionate rates established that would 
benefit the people to the greatest degree possible 
to be obtained, just in the same manner that the 
postal system is now conducted, and no competi- 
tion would be required to get for the people what 
is due them? Would this not be done in justice 
to the people, because it would be the people 
through those chosen from among themselves to 
transact this business for them? 

Do we not see that any profits accruing from 
such properties would go to a common treasury 
for the use of the government to pay for such 
properties, and this in connection with the gov- 
ernment banking system would simply produce 
wonders in a few years in establishing confidence 
and securing in time the full ownership of these 
great properties. 

What rights has capital over the people to 
such properties which in the very nature of 
things should belong to the people? Why 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 131 

should these properties be in the 1 possession of 
individual capital any more than the present 
postal system, which we know is under full gov- 
ernment control, and is of such great benefit to 
the people? Besides, if the government had the 
railroads in its possession fully, it is possible we 
would have much lower postal rates than we 
now have. 

It is understood that a movement has been 
inaugurated to induce railroad employes to pur- 
chase stock, thereby becoming directly inter- 
ested in railroad property. This looks and seems 
very plausible upon the statement made, but it 
is a very dangerous scheme to any employe who 
invests his money in this way. It is a very 
clever way for capital to deceive the working 
people, for behind this proposition lies a princi- 
ple endangering the welfare of any man who be- 
comes so entrapped. The following are some of 
the principal reasons why such a move should 
not be accepted as proper: 

First — Capital will not sell its controlling in- 
terests in such properties. It may approach this 
point in such sales, but not to and including it. 

Second — Collecting from the employes money 
on stock virtually reduce! the payments on pay- 
rolls just so much, and the employes would be 
getting just so much less salary through stock 
investments. 

Third — The employes would hold paper 



132 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

called stock, instead of money as salary, which 
would be controlled by the principals of capital 
to their interest, but to the detriment of those in- 
veigled into such a scheme. 

Fourth — It is a dangerous movement for peo- 
ple of small means to invest their money in 
stock of great enterprises, when such can be so 
easily controlled by a few who are sure to hold 
the controlling interest. 

Fifth — Just as soon as the employes are 
bound hand and foot in such investments, then 
capital will make it most unwholesomely un- 
comfortable for them, as it will have the power to 
make almost worthless such stock, if matters do 
not move along to the satisfaction of itself. 

Sixth — The capitalists will have the money 
and much more than the stock sold cost them; 
the employes, the paper purchased at much 
more than it is worth. This would secure the 
capitalists at the loss of the employes. 

Seventh — Such properties should belong to 
the government to benefit all the people, instead 
of being controlled by individual capital or capital 
and labor combined, at the expense of the people. 

If capital and labor should succeed in estab- 
lishing equitable terms between them, would 
not such a combination be so much the worse 
for the people, as it would be in the nature of a 
trust to control matters for the benefit of such a 
combination? 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 133 

There is not much danger, though, of such a 
combination being formed, for when labor fully 
understands its position in such transactions, it 
will be rather shy in upholding them. The laborers 
in time, under such an arrangement proposed, 
would become slaves, financially, purchased by 
capital with the money contributed by them. 
Thus such purchases would not be at the expense 
of capital, but at the expense of those financially 
enslaved, and how could they help themselves? 
It would be far better for them to put their 
money in homes, and after such are secured, 
then invest in other property secure for them, 
but let alone all paper called stock, representing 
a value, but not real, and which can be easily 
influenced to benefit capital. 

When we study the properties under consider- 
ation, justly, regardless of improper grants and 
privileges to capital, we will through this 
study learn the great needs of the people, and 
further, that the present deplorable financial 
conditions, are not due wholly to needed legisla- 
tion on any one subject; but it embraces several, 
and with proper legislation regarding each, 
which, acting collectively, will bring to us a new 
era of success, such that will build up and make 
strong that which has been partially destroyed 
through existing laws and abuses of law. The 
causes are not wholly foreign, nor wholly inter- 
nal, but belong to both, and it will require legis- 



134 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

lation on each of the great questions that so 
vitally affect us, to right the greatest existing 
evils. 

Proper tariff laws will help in its way to 
right the wrongs, as will legislation on immigra- 
tion help to right the evils existing in that line; 
and just the same with each and every question; 
each must receive due attention from legislative 
bodies, so that the people may be placed on an 
equal basis, secure against the great evils that 
now deprive them of the advantages due. 

The people should have an opportunity to 
place their money in a perfectly secure place for 
them, which can be made so by establishing a 
government banking system, and they should 
receive from the government the proportionate 
rate of interest, just with the same degree of se- 
curity that is now given to great capitalists for 
the use of their money; this in connection with 
the purchase of the properties herein named 
would certainly make times more prosperous. 

When small capital for investment is recog- 
nized by the government from the great mass of 
people, instead of only the immense fortunes from 
the few, then this, in connection with the adjust- 
ment of affairs in other important questions, will 
place the people in much better circumstances. 

Our best success and only true success de- 
pends upon bettering the conditions of the great 
mass of people. When we are able to relieve the 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 135 

great distress by means of giving employment, 
good and substantial, instead of partially and 
only temporarily doing so by the degrading 
method of charity, then we will have achieved a 
much more desired state of affairs than now 
exists. 

As to government ownership of the railroads, 
is it not easily understood that through this 
system with proper rates established, such that 
would bear the running expenses in full, the 
living expenses of the people would be greatly 
reduced? For is not the cost of shipping added 
to the cost of production to get the selling price of 
an article? Would not this be a great advantage 
and a blessing to the people to be relieved from 
paying exhorbitant rates as demanded by capital, 
when it is only to benefit capital? 

Do not we see that when the cost of an arti- 
cle is so great to us, due to exorbitant cost of 
shipping, we are required to furnish this excess 
simply to satisfy capital in matters of property 
which, rightfully, should belong to the people? 

Do we not see also that this affects all the 
people, as all are required to pay so much in 
excess of the actual cost of an article for the one 
reason only, that is, to gratify capital? 

Would not such a change in these systems of 
business greatly benefit both the producer and 
consumer, and there would be a much increased 
exchange of commodities, as goods could then be 



136 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

shipped that cannot now with profit on ac- 
count of the high rates established on freights? 

It would not lessen the profits to the producer 
to have such a change, but it would lessen the 
cost to the consumer, as the cost of shipping has 
nothing to do with the cost of production, but it 
is added to the cost of production to get the sell- 
ing price to the consumer. 

Cannot we see that through this system the 
products of the farm would reach the great mar- 
kets, and besides would have a much greater 
range in the markets of our country, and at 
much nearer the actual cost of production than 
we now have them? Would not the farmer be 
benefitted also in purchasing supplies from the 
markets, such that he cannot produce, but which 
are needed on the farm? 

The farmer cannot travel as he would like, 
because the rates are so high they will not per- 
mit of travel further than to transact the neces- 
sary business peculiar to his interests. 

And again, what is true in regard to the 
disadvantages experienced by the farmer, is 
it not true in regard to people in every calling 
in life? Would not the products of the mill, 
the factory, as well as the products from 
every other source, reach the people generally 
much cheaper if only such rates could be es- 
tablished that will bear the actual cost of ship- 
ping, leaving off the great salaries and pro- 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 137 

fits to capital that must be collected from such 
sources? 

Then do we not learn that a great part of the 
actual cost of living is due to exorbitant freight 
charges and paid to railroads for shipping? Is 
this not worth considering for the good of the 
seventy or more millions of people whom it 
would benefit under the new system? 

Does it not appear that this is certainly one 
of the properties in which capital is invested that 
does much harm to the people in order to multi- 
ply the many millions of dollars now in the 
hands of the few? Should not such injustices 
be remedied by actual purchases of each of the 
properties named by the government? 

If, in the event of such purchases, this same 
capital to a great extent is used by the govern- 
ment through its banking system, then there will 
be paid to such capital only the proper interest 
due, and the great profits now made will be cut 
off from capital and saved to the people. 

We all know how perfectly the postal system 
is conducted and the great benefits derived from 
this system, and the safety in which the whole 
business is conducted for the people by the gov- 
ernment; and this fully under government con- 
trol, which accounts for all the advantages 
gained. 

Could there be found anyone now who would 
want the postal system placed in the hands of 



138 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

individual capital? It is not believed that even 
one single capitalist would agree to such a change. 

But if there should be one found who desires 
such a change it simply demonstrates to the 
people that the greed and unscrupulousness of 
capital is so great in some ways, through the 
people controlling it as to overthrow in the minds 
and consciences of such beings all just and true 
principles relating to the well being of humanity; 
this at the expense of the people to satisfy the 
avaricious few. 

Are not the four great properties, postal, rail- 
roads, telegraph and express, analagous, when 
comparisons are made as to the benefits to be 
derived from them, and the needs of such sys- 
tems for the welfare of the people? 

If the one, the postal system, is now con- 
ducted so advantageously by the government for 
the people and so mum good derived from this 
one business, why, then, should not the same or 
greater benefits be derived from the government 
ownership and control of the other three prop- 
erties? 

Just think of the great amount of capital in- 
vested in such properties for the benefit finan- 
cially of a very few very wealthy people, as com- 
pared to the great mass of people, who should 
have an equal opportunity to invest and receive 
an equal or proportionate benefit on their money 
invested in these great properties. 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 139 

But the people have not money so invested, 
for the reason there has not been any way pro- 
vided by the government which recognizes the 
people's savings in connection with the use of 
great capital in purchasing properties of this 
class. 

It should be remembered that these properties 
by all means honorable and just ought to be 
owned and controlled for the people's benefit, 
that individual great capital should be required 
to come under the same rulings as the people's 
small capital, when invested in such enterprises. 

Then individual great capital will not re- 
ceive any greater proportionate benefits than in- 
dividual small capital, but they will be paid, 
each, that which is justly due them, and nothing 
more. 

Through this system all extortionate charges 
and extravagant uses of capital will be done 
away with in the lines of business herein consid- 
ered, then they will be conducted by the people 
for the interests of the people. 

Through the establishment of a government 
banking system the people's money in connection 
with greater capital used in purchasing these 
great properties would greatly encourage the 
people to save much money which now is 
wrongly spent as a source of pleasure and enjoy- 
ment, that during brighter and better times 
would be seen in its true light, when before fail- 



140 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

ures and discouragements partially blinded the 
moral senses which prosperity, naturally, through 
a feeling of pride would restore. 

The purchase of these properties for the peo- 
ple would virtually take from the multi-million- 
aire the chances in these lines to increase such 
fortunes at the expense of the people. To this 
there is no doubt there would be much objection 
by such multi-millionaires, who through such a 
change would lose excellent positions, but at the 
same time the great mass of people would gain 
theirs, or, in other words, each would be put 
on a more equal basis, financially, in business 
ways. 

There is no doubt but that millions of dollars 
would be used in trying to defeat justice in this 
cause, but it will be necessary for the people to 
choose properly the people to represent them at 
such times that legislative action is taken affect- 
ing such changes. 

It is proper to legislate for the interests of the 
many and not for the interests of the few; and by 
legislating for the many, would legislate for all, 
for among the many would be included the few; 
the only difference with the few, they would be 
placed exactly upon the same footing as the 
many; but, not advantageously ahead of the 
many in financial ways for their own special 
benefit. Even if they should be placed upon such 
an equal footing with the great mass of people, 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 141 

they would not be deprived of one single act of 
justice due them. 

This isnomonarchial form of government, but 
republican in every respect; and we should not 
recognize any acts toward legislation, that will 
deprive the people of their just rights. By the 
ballot and through the proper use of the ballot 
we can accomplish much. The people should be 
educated to know fully its power when properly 
used. At the present time there is too little value 
placed upon the real power of the ballot by many 
people. They do not consider fully the good re- 
sults that can be obtained through the judicious 
and thoughtful selection of the proper ballot to 
be cast upholding law, order and good govern- 
ment; and through such judicious and thoughtful 
selection at all times, we will be able to perpetu- 
ate the good results obtained. 

We, as the American people, should be in a 
position to agree upon legislation that will bene- 
fit us as a people. There is no other nation or 
power that has any word in such matters, either 
for or against us; and, if there should be any 
among us, who are in sympathy with the 
methods of government of any foreign nation to 
such an extent, as to legislate in favor of others, 
they should be considered enemies of our institu- 
tions, as well as enemies to everything sacred, re- 
lating to American interests. 

It should be remembered that this is a repub- 



142 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

lican form of government, one in which the peo- 
ple make laws for themselves; and, it is entirely 
different from a monarchial form of government, 
where a self-chosen few make laws for the people 
to obey. 

Under a monarchial form of government, the 
people have not a choice in the matter, but must 
of necessity be under aristocratic rule, whether it 
suits them or not. 

In our country, if the people fail to make 
proper choice at any election, and the adminis- 
tration following does not suit them, they will 
reverse their former decision at the following elec- 
tion; so that, a government, for the people, is 
quite different from a government by a self- 
chosen few, known as aristocracy, to govern the 
people. 

Is it any credit to a people or nation to have 
within its borders a few people possessing im- 
mense fortunes, and as a result, have a great 
many poverty-stricken people? Is it not much 
more of a credit to have no immense fortunes and 
no paupers, but instead, a thriving and well-to- 
do people, whose combined wealth equals, if not 
exceeds, the combined wealth of the few? And, 
this condition of affairs without the extreme suf- 
fering of the many, due to such massed fortunes? 

A country or its people possess only so much 
wealth; and, when this wealth is collected by the 
few into immense fortunes, the people, generally, 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 143 

must suffer on account of it. It is then we hear 
of great poverty throughout the land; and dur- 
ing the most unfavorable seasons of the year to 
destitute people, charity does its work trying to 
relieve the distress, caused by the most unfavor- 
able circumstances under which they have been 
placed, through the great need or the common 
comforts of life. 

But, at the same time, the immense fortunes 
are growing larger, and the people growing 
poorer. Charity is taxed to its utmost to clothe 
and feed the destitute. Long lines of people may 
be seen awaiting their chances to get something 
to eat at what may be commonly known as free 
soup houses; and, cast-off clothing received by 
them in equally as humiliating circumstances. 

Is this not degrading to a people to be re- 
quired to become subjects of charity in this way? 
This too amidst plenty? Are these not subjects 
or slaves of capital? Is it not time we are giv- 
ing this subject proper attention so as to better 
the conditions of the people? 

Every civilized nation has enough wealth to 
keep well its people, if only it was properly used. 
But through improper legislation, or form of gov- 
ernment, the wealth gradually but surely falls 
into the hands of a few. Such fortunes gradually 
increasing, while with equal rapidity the suffer- 
ing among the great mass of people increases. 

Let the people of other nations do as they 



144 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

wish, but let us as an American people set a 
proper example by making right such evils, 
through proper legislation, so that the people of 
other nations will see the great benefits derived 
from just laws, and require better treatment from 
their governments to better their conditions. 

Has it not been noticed many times that 
through the greed and selfish desires to gain, 
one person through unjust acts would deprive a 
whole household of the needed necessities of life, 
but, at the same time he would be condemned 
by the people generally? But to no avail as to 
the good results secured, as the act would be 
based upon protection of self interests, when in 
reality such interests were not endangered; but 
it was done purely to satisfy the avaricious de- 
sire to take advantage of one in an unfortunate 
hour for personal gain — one who could not help 
his condition, but who, if kindly assisted, would 
have been able in time to have kept all he had 
lost; and besides, the creditor would have re- 
ceived every dollar due him. 

But that would not satisfy the avari- 
cious feeling within the inhuman breast of one 
whose moral duty would have been to be a little 
lenient in his dealings with the unfortunate, 
when it may have been, perhaps, a mortgage 
foreclosed on property, which was two or three 
times the value of the amount of the indebted- 
ness, that took all unjustly to satisfy the avar- 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 145 

iciousness of such a being; and this may have 
been justifiable under the common law of his 
country, but under the moral law he would be 
everlastingly condemned. Such are the dif- 
ferences in men ; one would be controlled wholly 
by the common law while another mostly, or it 
may be wholly, by the moral law. 

It is this all grabbing spirit that exists in a 
few which deprives the great mass of people of 
the common necessities of life to a great extent. 
In this spirit is a conceded propriety regarding 
business transactions, which to others is simply 
horrid, as its tendencies are toward every un- 
principled act named in the category of crimes, 
relating to financial or business methods. 

During the presidential campaign just passed 
we were told by one of the political parties that 
we needed more money; that this was the great 
cause of the distress among the people. Now let 
us look at this subject carefully regarding the 
purchasing of raihoads, telegraph and express 
lines by the government. Let us view this in its 
true light, regarding true interests to every Amer- 
ican citizen, and let us see if we cannot learn 
from this chapter, as we have from others, that 
it is not more money, nor money of a different 
kind, that we need, but a proper disposition of 
that which we have, so it will truly benefit the 
people. 

The properties named transact an immense 



146 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

amount of business and collect each year many 
millions of dollars from passenger, freight, mes- 
sage and express rates. The rates charged are 
much in excess of actual necessary expenses, 
made so to benefit capital, while the government 
expenses under such circumstances would not be 
anything like as great as the expenses of capital 
for reasons it is wished to herein name in part 
as follows: 

From the millions of dollars collected yearly 
is used what is necessary to defray the expenses of 
such institutions, justly, no doubt, as far as the 
wear and tear of these properties are concerned; 
and as far as paying labor is also concerned; 
although labor may be poorly paid, but the past 
set aside for this expense is just and proper as 
far as uses of money by capital is to be consid- 
ered. 

But when it comes to paying the presidents 
and chief officers of such institutions, do you 
suppose that as economical views are entertained 
in paying them as is entertained when paying 
labor? Not by any means, for capital must be 
well paid and the immense salaries received by 
such officers is one of the ways instituted to pay 
capital. 

If these properties were in the hands of the 
government, only fair but good living salaries 
would be paid to officers in charge of such insti- 
tutions; also there would be but one chief officer 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 147 

in charge of each of such institutions, when now 
there are many. 

The question would be asked, what would be- 
come of this money if such a change were made, 
and so much saved in salaries alone? The 
answer would be, this excess would not be col- 
lected from the people in the way of passenger 
fares, freights, express and telegram rates, as 
now collected, for the reason the government 
would not need so much money and it would re- 
main with the people; only that part would be 
collected that would be required to carry on the 
actual necessary expenses of such institutions. 

We so far have considered only the savings in 
salaries under government control of these great 
properties, but there are other expenses required 
by capital that are well worth considering. 

After paying the just and legitimate expenses 
of these institutions, and the high-salaried of- 
ficers, there are attorneys, numerous indeed, who 
also must be well paid; as they are very 
necessary adjuncts to institutions of the kind, to 
fight the numerous suits which such institutions 
fall heir to; as a thorough investigation of 
affairs relating to these institutions may lead 
one to believe they are run under the common 
instead of the moral law, even when the com- 
mon law may have been enacted for their es- 
pecial benefit. 

It requires much money to pay legal talent, 



148 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

as the importance of the cases involved demands 
the employment of the best talent of the kind 
that can be procured; as the moral positions of 
such great corporations are not the best, it will 
not do to entrust such important matters to 
other than the best legal talent. 

The collection of this vast sum of money to 
defray this expense would be wholly superfluous 
under the government system; as the law de- 
partment now established by the government 
would attend to all necessary legal matters which 
might arise and which would necessarily be 
very small; for the reason that under the gov- 
ernment system a proper control of such affairs 
would be inaugurated for the interests of the peo- 
ple, which would deprive this great legal talent 
of its present needed services. 

Therefore, the amount of money now collected 
to bear the expense of the legal fraternity, would 
not be needed and would not be collected from 
the people; this would be another item of expense 
saved. 

Can it be possible, that much money is used 
by such institutions to control legislative schemes 
for the benefit of capital invested in these insti- 
tutions? If so, this also would be superfluous; 
as the people under the new system would fur- 
nish the capital or institute means by which cap- 
ital would be furnished to conduct the business 
in each line, through the representatives, selected 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 149 

from among themselves to transact the different 
kinds of business for them. 

Therefore, the amount of money used for such 
a purpose would not be collected from the people, 
which would be another item of expense saved. 

There is another important feature that 
should receive attention, which is this: It is 
the privileges the chief officers take for their especial 
comfort; and which may be at times, extended 
to men of considerable political influence; 
it is rather expensive to the people, and it is be- 
yond business propriety to extend such privi- 
leges to those politically who may thus be un- 
duly influenced in legislative matters relating to 
such properties. 

What is meant by this is the use of private 
palace car accommodation by these people. It 
is a great expense to run and keep fully equipped 
such cars, and this expense must be borne by 
some one, and who can it be other than the trav- 
eling public, who is required to pay such ex- 
penses in fares collected. 

These parties may claim they bear the ex- 
penses of such cars personally, and that they 
cost the traveling public nothing, but such a 
claim would show at once that if they do pay 
such expenses they are receiving such immense 
salaries, and it may be in connection with this 
such immense profits on stock, that makes it 
possible for them to pay such expenses, and 



150 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

whether it is paid in this way or that way, the 
money must come from the people. 

Think of a farmer or merchant traveling in such 
cars to transact business relating to affairs pecu- 
liar to their interests. How could they bear 
such expenses unless they also had a way of 
collecting money from the people to pay for such 
luxuries. 

Under government control all inspections and 
other necessary duties requiring tours of the 
kind to be made would be in a man- 
ner just the same as that of any first class pas- 
senger, representing any reputable business house, 
and, in fact, there would be restrictions upon 
such officers in regard to making up expense 
accounts that would be permissible in the repre- 
sentative of the business house, making up his 
account. 

The result would be the special private car 
arrangements would not be needed by the gov- 
ernment, and the great expense incurred by run- 
ning such cars would not be collected from the 
people, therefore, another great saving to the 
people. 

It is reasonable to suppose the government 
would, under the new order of affairs, furnish 
special car arrangements to any who would wish 
to use such; but they would be required to pay 
in full the cost of such accommodations. It is 
believed though, there would not be many special 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 151 

cars needed to supply the demand when such 
privileges are at the personal expense of the par- 
ties using them. 

By this time we have arrived at a point in 
the proceedings regarding expenses that is of 
much interest to the stockholders only, or at 
least mostly, as it is supposed that all other in- 
terests have been looked after and cared for. Now 
this stock is rather a peculiar property; as it is, 
though this, intended to represent the value of 
such properties, but instead, it may represent the 
value, many times, of the properties in question, 
as this stock is, most likely, well watered. 

But, the earnings of capital are based upon 
the whole issue and full face value, which 
when made out, presents quite a respectable 
showing, as to the rate of dividend to be declared; 
when in reality the rate would be immense, 
considering the true amount of money invested; 
but then this is a very good way to deceive the 
people, when capital wishes to reward itself well. 

Suppose the issue of any stock had been sold 
for one-fourth of its face value, the dividend de- 
clared would be on the full face value of 
the stock and not the one-fourth value as was 
paid for it. Does it not appear at once in such a 
case that the stockholders would be getting four 
times the amount of interest on the amount ac- 
tually invested, instead of the rate represented by 
the dividend declared? 



152 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

It may be asked, who are the stockholders? 
Upon examining the stock list there will be found 
the names of most, if not all, the high salaried 
officers, and others who may be still greater cap- 
italists who control to a certainty the entire stock 
of such concerns; or, in reality, own the greater 
part of such stock. But down the list of names 
may be found the names of others who may be 
in very moderate circumstances indeed; and who 
have been attracted to the stock market by the 
rumored great profits, having invested all they 
have; and which may prove, as most frequently 
does in such cases, an investment to their sor- 
row, when during some later period their stock 
depreciates in value, being the result of scheming 
capital to better itself; but at all times such 
transactions are to the disadvantage and loss of 
the people who are considered on the outside, 
drawn into such investments through schemes 
beneficial to capital. 

The amounts received as dividends by the offi- 
cers on their stocks in connection with the 
salaries paid to them makes a small fortune to 
each individual. 

Now what would become of this if such insti- 
tutions were fully under government control? 
Well, let us see. In the first place there would 
be no watered stock on which to calculate inter- 
est. The capital would be furnished by the peo- 
ple,through a government banking system. This 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 153 

capital may include in a great part capital now 
invested in these properties, but they must all 
come under the same system, whether this capi- 
tal is lage or small, and receive equal and just 
benefits only. 

This capital would be in the form of deposits, 
and it is reasonable to suppose would bear low 
rate of interest and free from tax. This interest 
must be paid, but it is actual, and would go to 
the people direct, to millions of people. This in- 
terest would be credited to the numerous bank 
accounts as earnings on the money deposited, 
being an amount representing the rate calculated 
on all deposits, whether large or small, each re- 
ceiving a.i equal proportion on the amounts so 
deposited. 

Outside of this amount required to pay the 
interest on deposits the government would not 
need, therefore it would be superfluous and it 
would not be collected from the people in the way 
of passenger, freight, telegraph and express rates. 

Is this not the true way to help the people, 
instead of letting capital charge them so un- 
mercifully, and through such constant drain of 
money from the people to capital, that in time 
will reduce the great mass of people to such an 
extent financially, as to almost occupy positions 
of paupers? And then, under such conditions, 
we try through the acts of charity to make right 
that which legislation only can do. 



154 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

Do we not learn that even in this line it is not 
more money that is needed, but proper legisla- 
tion to benefit the seventy or more millions of 
people, instead of the few who possess immense 
individual capital? 

The drain of wealth is from the people to 
benefit capital in just the same way that in free 
trade the drain of the money is from this coun- 
try to foreign countries to pay foreign labor; 
when labor in our country is idle and needs only 
proper legislation to give employment so that the 
money paid for labor will remain with us; and 
just so it is with the immense capital invested in 
our country in properties that rightfully should 
belong to the people for investment of their 
money in connection with this great capital; all 
should be used through one common system, 
deriving therefrom proportionate and just bene- 
fits only, thus leaving off all unjust and unreason- 
able profits, expected by capital, when individu- 
ally invested in these properties. 

The people's capital though does not secure 
such favorable investment and security, but at 
the same time there is collected from them 
great sums of money, many millions of dol- 
lars, to bear the enormous expense of selfish 
and unprincipled capital. If such invest- 
ments are good for capital on a large 
scale, why should it not be just as good for the 
people on a small scale; and especially so when 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 155 

invested in such properties that so directly in- 
terest them, and which affects so greatly their 
welfare? 

By government purchase of the properties in 
question would greatly lessen the possibilities of 
multi millions being created, and where these 
chances are lessened the peoples chances for suc- 
cess are just so much increased. 

Should not the millions collected from the 
people yearly for the benefit of individual great 
capital remain with the people to benefit them? 
Does not the proposition to purchase the great 
properties named, viewed from any point, simply 
increase and multiply the possibilities favoring 
such purchases? 

Also, government ownership and control of 
the properties would put a stop to the great rail- 
road and telegraphers' strikes that now so fre- 
frequently take place. There would not be any 
individual great capital to contend with, as the 
people would own such properties in full, and af- 
fairs relating to such matters would be fully 
under government control. If any abuse existed 
the department controlling such properties would 
right the wrong. 

Would this not be a much better state of af- 
fairs than to be almost continually in serious 
trouble in matters relating to capital and labor, 
and which in itself would be the means of sav- 
ing from destruction thousands upon thousands 



156 GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 

of dollars of property, and save the loss of life 
that so often occurs during strikes. 

This rightly studied will certainly present 
the advantages gained by such proposed pur- 
chases, and it should meet the approval of the 
people generally. 

The question might be asked, in what way 
could the government make the purchase of 
these great properties legal and do justice to the 
people as well as to those whose money is in- 
vested now in such properties? 

Well, let us suppose the government takes 
the same course in this matter that has been 
taken by capital to get these properties. 

If it was considered just and legal for the 
one it certainly should be so considered for the 
other. 

In the first place a great amount of the prop- 
erties held by these corporations were grants or 
gifts from the government as well as from the 
people. 

The government turned over to such compa- 
nies great tracts of land which were sold for the 
benefit of these corporations. 

The people in many instances gave the right 
of way through their properties, while in many 
other instances direct purchases were made, and 
in others, where such rights could not be pur- 
chased at prices that were thought reasonable to 
these corporations, then through legal processes 



GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 157 

rights would be secured and such an amount was 
paid for the privilege as was named as proper. 

Remember, though, it did not make any dif- 
ference as to the course such a road would take 
across one's property, even if it required the 
moving of buildings and the cutting of the fields 
of a farm into illy shaped pieces, the right of 
way must be had let the results be what they 
would to the individual property across which 
they passed. 

The government certainly can make the pur- 
chase for the people at proper values under the 
same or like rules, but not at values indicated by 
the greatly watered stock of such companies. 

This matter in regard to purchase is clear 
enough, or if not under the present laws, it can 
be made so by the vote of the people, just as soon 
as they see the great need of such purchases to 
right the wrongs in this line, and will act in 
unison to have such legislation enacted that will 
make secure these great properties for the inter- 
ests of all the people. 



MUNICIPAL INTERESTS. 

Municipal Ownership of all Properties Traversing 
or Occupying Municipal Properties, a Pro- 
tection to the People of Municipalities 
Against the Wrongs of Capital 

We have learned in the past chapter that there 
are certain properties which, due to the extensive 
business carried on by them, and the great inter- 
ests they bear to the people of our country, 
should belong to the people, and be controlled 
wholly by the government for the people. 

That as these properties are to benefit the 
people in transacting business by carrying to the 
different markets from the different producers, 
the products of our country, and to enable both 
travel and traffic to be managed on the most 
economical basis possible, it is only proper to 
consider them as just properties for the people, 
instead of being owned and controlled by capital 
for the interest of the few, against the interests of 
the millions of people that such properties should 
benefit. 

Such questions were reviewed in a general way 
in which they affected the people as a nation. 

But, in this chapter, it is desired to take up 

158 



MUNICIPAL INTERESTS 159 

also in a general way for consideration regarding 
the propriety, or right to purchase such proper- 
ties, that in themselves have no national signifi- 
cance, but which are purely local and affect the 
people only as a municipality. 

The same source of reasoning though, in behalf 
of questions considered national as regards their 
importance to the people, is applicable in affairs, 
it is desired to treat as municipal, as the 
results to the people of a municipality in such 
matters, will be just as beneficial to them as 
those which if obtained by the government would 
be to the people in matters considered national. 

If the purchase of properties, such as should 
be considered national, would benefit the people 
of the whole country to such a great extent, why 
then, should not properties which should just as 
well be considered municipal, receive the same 
attention, so as to benefit the people of the mu- 
nicipality ? 

Upon this same source of reasoning it is de- 
sired to show that capital invested in the differ- 
ent municipalities in business that occupies the 
properties of such municipalities, in order to 
make the necessary extensions for the especial 
kinds of business to be considered, and which 
are intended for the general use of the public, 
and from the collections from the public 
it is intended to keep up the expenses and 
furnish the great profits as rewards for cap- 



160 MUNICIPAL INTERESTS 

ital, are certainly properties that rightly be- 
long and should belong to the people of such 
municipalities for the sole interests of the people. 

Why, it may be asked, should such a change 
be made? Just because through the propriety 
and righteous nature of the properties considered 
they rightfully belong to all the people for the 
good of the people, and should not belong 
to only a few capitalists for their especial 
benefit, financially, at the expense of the people. 
It is through such processes that capital increases 
so rapidly and the people become poorer on ac- 
count of it. 

If it is profitable for capital to make extensive 
use of any municipal property for its own benefit 
in building great properties, why then should it 
not be just as profitable for the people to build 
and possess such properties, which would be upon 
their own property to benefit themselves? 

Would it not be far better for any city to have 
the profits accruing from the different corpora- 
tions, such as water, gas, street cars, electric light 
and others, which might be included, turned into 
the city treasury for the use of the city in defray- 
ing expenses, instead of going to the pockets of 
capital, and it may be to capital located far from 
such city? Thus not only losing the amount of 
money as far as the people's interests are con- 
cerned, but having it taken from such city, and 
lessening the money interests of a city? 



MUNICIPAL INTERESTS 161 

It is possible that under this new order of 
affairs that the same capital in a great part, 
would be used in these properties; but it would 
be under municipal control, and used in connec- 
tion with capital provided by the people. Thus 
each would receive only the just interest due 
them. Great capital would be deprived of the 
immense salaries and immense profits that it now 
draws from the people and which is at their ex- 
pense. 

By this or through this method it would es- 
tablish a more equal state of affairs financially. 

Under the present system the people are be- 
coming merely slaves to unscrupulous capital; as 
capital lives off of the savings of labor in its ex- 
cessive charges above those just and reasonable, 
and if it were not for this, or the patronage of 
the people to the interests of capital, how could 
it survive any more successfully, or even as much 
so, as labor by itself? 

To illustrate this more clearly and forcibly, 
suppose the people did not patronize the street 
railways of the different municipalities. The 
cars running on schedule time but carrying no 
passengers. Would capital be benefitted by its 
investments in such railways under these cir- 
cumstances? No, not in the least, and such in- 
vestments would of necessity be of very great 
loss to capital. 

Is it not clearly to be seen that capital lives 



162 MUNICIPAL INTERESTS 

off the people? And the excessive charges are 
collections to increase capital? Then, if such in- 
vestments cost the people so much and makes 
them poor, so as to increase great fortunes, why- 
should not capital in such investments be under 
the control of the people, and derive such benefits 
only that is due and just. Then it would be 
placed on a par with capital provided by the 
people, each receiving only that which is just in 
regard to such investments. 

The money of great capitalists is not any 
more valuable than the money of the laborer, as 
it is the same kind exactly, and it should not be 
permitted any advantage over the laborer, or 
money invested by him, as if it were more val- 
uable. 

What would capital amount to, any way, 
without labor to develop it in the different pur- 
suits of trade, manufacturing, and other lines 
of business in which it is invested? And again, 
what would labor amount to without capital to 
assist it? What would the immense fortunes 
amount to, if they could not be used to employ 
labor and receive the patronage of labor? 

Suppose a millionaire with all his wealth 
were banished to some uninhabited island, what 
good would his silver and gold be to him under 
such circumstances? Would he not necessarily 
become a laborer himself, to till the soil and pro- 
duce food upon which to live? And would he 



MUNICIPAL INTERESTS 163 

not be put to thinking in regard to manufactur- 
ing clothing to wear? His gold and silver under 
such circumstances would not be worth any more 
than so much rubbish to him. 

But if the laborer were banished to such a 
place, would he not be the most wealthy of the 
two, as he would be accustomed to work and 
could go ahead of the once wealthy man? And 
as his brains and muscles had been trained to 
hard work, this would be his present as well as 
his former capital. 

The brains of the former capitalist may have 
been trained to scheming, which will not 
work to his advantage under his present cir- 
cumstances, and his muscles not accustomed 
to hard, honest toil, therefore, under such cir- 
cumstances, he would of necessity give way to the 
once, it may be, unworthy person of his special 
notice. 

Are not each though, really dependent upon 
the other? But is there not too little value placed 
upon labor by capital? Does not capital, even 
at this very day, look upon laborers more as its 
subjects than its equal? 

Should not the standard of labor be raised 
much higher than it is at the present time? Is 
not labor an equal to capital, as far as justice is 
concerned, and much more than its equal if each 
is left entirely alone to care for itself? 

A capitalist should not, through his schem- 



164 MUNICIPAL INTERESTS 

ing, be permitted to take advantage of the people 
simply because he has money. This is wrong, 
and it is one of the reasons that so much suffer- 
ing exists, and the people are destitute of the 
common comforts of life. 

There is entirely too much license given cap- 
ital in investments. It is hoped that in time 
protective restrictions will be placed upon ques- 
tionable investments to save the great mass of 
people from unscrupulous methods practiced, 
which at the present time cause great suffering, 
and which will increase if some action is not 
taken to protect the people. 

This can be righted through legislation, and 
with government and municipal ownership and 
control of all properties that are of such impor- 
tance to the people, they should belong to them, 
will greatly help to establish a true and just 
order of affairs. 

As to the harm of lesser individual great cap- 
ital invested in other branches of business, a co- 
operative system fully established, would most 
undoubtedly be the means of helping to solve 
the great financial troubles between capital and 
labor in such institutions. 

Capitalists must not think that money will 
rule supreme where the ballot decides these great 
questions for us; and the people must look to the 
ballot as their only means of protection against 
the outrageous doings of capital. 



MUNICIPAL INTERESTS 166 

Money may work effectually in its way to the 
interests of capital under aristocratic forms of 
government, but not so under a republican gov- 
erment. 

Through the ballot, we as a people, can eradi- 
cate many evils, and when this money power 
becomes so unmerciful as to cause so much suf- 
fering, then it is when the ballot must come in 
to right the wrong. Without the ballot to de- 
cide such matters for us, we would be helplessly 
inadequate to cope with the injustices of capital. 
Now as to municipal affairs, do you wish to 
pay the present rates for gas, water, street-car 
and other privileges to benefit capital, when the 
profits derived from such sources, if turned into 
a common treasury for the benefit of the people, 
would greatly reduce your taxes? Would it not 
be far better to have such profits used to help 
pay taxes than to be be used to benefit capital 
and thus being the means of increasing taxes? 

Did you ever consider that under municipal 
ownership and full control of the street railways, 
the street-car fares collected would do their part 
in helping to pay taxes? That it would not 
make any difference from whom they were col- 
lected, whether from citizen or stranger, they 
would perform their part in reducing the taxes 
to be collected from the people to defray the ex- 
penses of the city? 

The same principle is applicable in its way 



166 MUNICIPAL INTERESTS 

as to the use of water, gas and other privileges, 
when the profits accruing from such sources are 
turned into a common treasury for the benefit of 
all the people. 

The profits from the different sources would 
amount to much, and they would lessen the rate 
of tax to a wonderful degree, besides establishing 
much more favorable rates in such properties for 
the people. 

It would be a boon to all tax-payers when 
the day arrives to pay taxes, to learn of the 
great reduction; this due to the new order of af- 
fairs relating to such properties that now cost so 
much to enjoy the privileges intended for the 
people, but which should be at more reasonable 
rates. 

By having less rates and less taxes to pay 
would be just so much saved to be used in living, 
or to be laid away as a deposit in bank to help 
increase your account, instead of being used to 
increase the account of great capital. 

Municipalities owning and controlling such 
properties will cut off all large salaries and 
great profit to capital for its peculiar 
benefit, thus saving this to the people, for under 
municipal control the salaries paid to officers in 
charge of such properties would be very small 
compared to the salaries paid to capital, and in 
connection with the amount of money paid to 
attorneys and expenditures in other ways com- 



MUNICIPAL INTERESTS 167 

mon to corporations, would all be saved to the 
people in the way of reduced charges for privi- 
leges enjoyed and profits accruing in the munici- 
pal treasury. 

Would not municipal ownership and control 
of properties directly affecting the interests of a 
municipality be of equal importance to the peo- 
ple of such, as the government ownership and 
control of properties considered national would 
be to the people of our nation? 

Then, if so, let such questions be studied well 
in the interests of all and to benefit all, and 
through proper legislation, whether it be national 
or municipal, let us work to gain such benefits 
that will relieve the great distress among the 
people, and not only this, but help the people to 
better stations in life. When this is attained we 
can expect better government, as we will then have 
a more enlightened people to judiciously use the 
ballot, the true safeguard to freedom, liberty and 
equal rights as understood by these terms under 
a true American form of government. 



91 



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